What makes a mass murderer?

It was an unthinkable crime; on July 20, 2012, a 24-year-old neuroscience graduate student* walked into a movie theatre in Aurora, Colo., and began shooting people he had never before seen. Twelve people died and 70 were wounded in this calculated and intricately planned massacre that challenged everything we know about the intersection of mental illness and evil.

So much has been written about mass shooters as we’ve struggled to understand what motivates someone to kill strangers in a public place. The hope is that if we can understand it, then we can prevent it. The topic has been one of great interest to me because it gets quickly linked to advocacy for involuntary psychiatric care: Half of mass murderers suffer from psychiatric disorders and if we could force them to get treatment, then we could prevent these horrific events.

Courtesy Wikimedia Commons/Algr/Creative Commons License

Many mass shooters die at the scene. Not only did the Aurora shooter survive, but his case went to trial – also a rarity – providing insights we have not had with other similar cases. With information gained through this court case comes “A Dark Night In Aurora” (Skyhorse Press, 2018), a careful dissection of the Aurora shooter by William H. Reid, MD, MPH. There are many books about crimes and criminals, but what caught my attention about this book was the author. Dr. Reid is one of five expert/forensic psychiatrists retained for the case and he was brought on by the judge as a second nonpartisan psychiatrist. Dr. Reid interviewed the defendant for more than 20 hours, he video-recorded the interviews, and he had access to, “... the existing seventy-five thousand pages of evidence, hundreds of audio and video files, and access to the defendants and scores of witnesses, experts, and others associated with the case ...” Dr. Reid notes that when the defendant placed his sanity in question, all confidentiality was waived.

In this case, the perpetrator had been treated by a therapist and two psychiatrists at his university counseling center in the semester before the shooting. There were video recordings of the defendant in his cell, a correctional psychiatrist in the local jail; psychiatric records from an admission to Denver Health Medical Center and two admissions to the Colorado Health Institute at Pueblo (a secure, forensic setting); and neuropsychological testing done by psychologists hired for the case. In all, there was a lot of mental health data, and I’m not aware of any other book that has been written by a psychiatrist about a criminal case where the author testified in the case.

Let me start by saying that the book is well written, very readable, and fascinating. I’d followed parts of the case in the news and had even watched some of the trial being live-streamed, so not all of the information was new, but Dr. Reid has put together the many facts of a perplexing case together in a cohesive way. There’s no literary descriptions or flowery writing; Dr. Reid is a focused writer. He also does a good job of explaining the specifics of Colorado state law to the forensic aspects of the case. In the end, there were nuances of how the shooter came to be found both competent and sane but was spared the death penalty by a single vote. Overall, I found the book haunting, and it would have been a more comfortable read if it were fiction. There was something terribly disconcerting about following along this miserable journey, all the while knowing that the killer ultimately would destroy so many lives and then watching his disconnected existence after the massacre.

As a general adult psychiatrist, I wanted to learn something very specific from this book: What is the recipe for creating a mass murderer and what are the warning signs a psychiatrist should catch? I would like my career to be free of patients who kill. The Aurora shooter’s family life sounded fairly pedestrian. His parents are professionals; there was a boy and a girl in an intact family with attentive parents, and no findings of abuse, torture, neglect, bullying, or anything out of the ordinary.

As a child, the shooter was noted for his kindness, and he was particularly caring toward his younger sister. As he grew older, reports about his personality were conflicting: Some saw him as awkward, and later even as odd, while others described him as normal, especially within a cohort of studious kids. He played on sports teams, was an excellent student, liked nonviolent video games, and while he was not outgoing, he always had some friends, though he shunned them during the semester before the shooting. He was not comfortable with women, but he had one girlfriend in graduate school, and when that relationship broke up, he texted with another classmate about how “hot” she was and that they went hiking together. The breakup may have contributed to the shooter’s unraveling, but if it did, Dr. Reid did not present this as the precipitant, and many young men are awkward with women – and endure breakups and rejection.

While the media said the shooter failed out of school, this was not the case. He did well in his classes but chose not to study for an important oral exam while he devoted his time to gathering weapons for his mission to kill, planning out the details, learning to use firearms, and rigging up a complex explosive system around his apartment. When he failed the oral exam, he was told he could study and retake it in a few weeks. He chose, instead, to withdraw from graduate school.

 

What stood out for me was that this young man talked about thoughts of killing people. He did so to the point of worrying his psychiatrist: She called in a second psychiatrist for a consultation, alerted the university’s threat assessment team, contacted an out-of-state parent, and considered admitting him on an involuntary hold. While many patients say they might hurt someone if provoked or threatened, few discuss thoughts of killing indiscriminately. But when people do talk about killing, we do our best to flush out their intentions, whether it is a fantasy or a plan, if they’ve been violent before. This shooter had no history of violence, and he hid from the psychiatrist the fact that he was acquiring weapons and actually planning a massacre. His psychiatrist diagnosed him with social anxiety, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and possible schizotypal personality disorder. He was prescribed an antidepressant, and later offered an antipsychotic, which he refused.

Three of the four psychiatrists who evaluated the defendant for the legal proceedings made a diagnosis of schizoaffective disorder. (The fifth psychiatrist for the prosecution never examined the defendant.) Dr. Reid made a diagnosis of schizotypal personality disorder. Everyone agreed that the shooter had a mental illness that influenced his actions. When it came to ascertaining the defendant’s mental state at the time of the crime, there was a glitch: The first psychiatrist for the defense examined the defendant only once, days after the shooting, and not again until 3 years later, right before the trial. His exam was limited: The defense attorney was present in the room, and he had instructed the psychiatrist not to ask about the shooting. The attorney interrupted the interview twice, and it’s not the usual practice to place these conditions on a forensic evaluation. After that exam, there was some misunderstanding about who was in charge of the treatment, and the defendant refused the services of the jail psychiatrist. It was not until 4 months later when the inmate became dehydrated, delirious, and psychotic that he finally was evaluated and treated. Despite the abundance of psychiatric information available, no direct and complete assessment was made by a psychiatrist immediately before the shooting, or in the months right after.

When we try to understand what motivates someone to commit such a heinous act, we look for psychosis. If the person suffers from paranoid delusions and believes his behavior is in self-defense, the behavior becomes understandable and justifiable. Even if it’s less organized, if it is the clear result of a psychotic thought process, we often attribute the behavior to illness. Usually, people with psychosis are too disorganized to enact complex plans, to acquire and learn to use ammunition, to plot out when and where there will be potential victims, and to plot out this degree of planning.

This shooter had an odd belief that if he killed people, he would attain “human capital.” Their deaths might fortify him, increase his value and decrease his suffering, and thereby prevent him from dying by suicide. Dr. Reid talks about whether it’s a delusion, an overvalued idea, or just an unusual belief. The shooter was aware that others don’t agree with this, that they would see it as wrong and criminal, and he thought there was only a 50% chance that it would work. If this were a delusion, it was not one we typically see, nor was it accompanied by more usual perceptual phenomena. Ultimately, there was no consensus on whether the patient was psychotic at the time of the shooting. On antipsychotic medication, he continued to believe that if he killed people that he would attain their human capital. In his book, Dr. Reid concluded that he remained dangerous.

Because the shooter told the university health center psychiatrist that he did not want to be locked up, she considered involuntary hospitalization, but she did not believe he would meet criteria for commitment. I saw nothing that indicated whether he was offered voluntary inpatient care with an explanation that hospital treatment is not the same as being locked up and might help alleviate his suffering. We don’t know if he could have been persuaded to enter the hospital willingly, but I suspect that this would have been difficult to justify to an insurer. There’s nothing to indicate that a hospitalization would have prevented this massacre.

From my perspective, I concluded that if individuals say they are thinking about killing strangers, they may be at risk of violence. This is a much smaller group of people to target for intervention than everyone with mental illness or everyone who is odd. This particular shooter appears to suffer from some type of mental derangement that does not fit neatly into our current psychiatric nomenclature or respond to our current treatments, and thoughtful psychiatric intervention – which he had – could not prevent his actions. It seems the only thing that would have changed this outcome is if someone had discovered his arsenal before July 20, 2012. 

*Please note: The shooter’s name is intentionally omitted from my review. 

Dr. Miller is coauthor with Annette Hanson, MD, of “Committed: The Battle Over Involuntary Psychiatric Care” (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016).

It was an unthinkable crime; on July 20, 2012, a 24-year-old neuroscience graduate student* walked into a movie theatre in Aurora, Colo., and began shooting people he had never before seen. Twelve people died and 70 were wounded in this calculated and intricately planned massacre that challenged everything we know about the intersection of mental illness and evil.

So much has been written about mass shooters as we’ve struggled to understand what motivates someone to kill strangers in a public place. The hope is that if we can understand it, then we can prevent it. The topic has been one of great interest to me because it gets quickly linked to advocacy for involuntary psychiatric care: Half of mass murderers suffer from psychiatric disorders and if we could force them to get treatment, then we could prevent these horrific events.

Courtesy Wikimedia Commons/Algr/Creative Commons License

Many mass shooters die at the scene. Not only did the Aurora shooter survive, but his case went to trial – also a rarity – providing insights we have not had with other similar cases. With information gained through this court case comes “A Dark Night In Aurora” (Skyhorse Press, 2018), a careful dissection of the Aurora shooter by William H. Reid, MD, MPH. There are many books about crimes and criminals, but what caught my attention about this book was the author. Dr. Reid is one of five expert/forensic psychiatrists retained for the case and he was brought on by the judge as a second nonpartisan psychiatrist. Dr. Reid interviewed the defendant for more than 20 hours, he video-recorded the interviews, and he had access to, “... the existing seventy-five thousand pages of evidence, hundreds of audio and video files, and access to the defendants and scores of witnesses, experts, and others associated with the case ...” Dr. Reid notes that when the defendant placed his sanity in question, all confidentiality was waived.

In this case, the perpetrator had been treated by a therapist and two psychiatrists at his university counseling center in the semester before the shooting. There were video recordings of the defendant in his cell, a correctional psychiatrist in the local jail; psychiatric records from an admission to Denver Health Medical Center and two admissions to the Colorado Health Institute at Pueblo (a secure, forensic setting); and neuropsychological testing done by psychologists hired for the case. In all, there was a lot of mental health data, and I’m not aware of any other book that has been written by a psychiatrist about a criminal case where the author testified in the case.

Let me start by saying that the book is well written, very readable, and fascinating. I’d followed parts of the case in the news and had even watched some of the trial being live-streamed, so not all of the information was new, but Dr. Reid has put together the many facts of a perplexing case together in a cohesive way. There’s no literary descriptions or flowery writing; Dr. Reid is a focused writer. He also does a good job of explaining the specifics of Colorado state law to the forensic aspects of the case. In the end, there were nuances of how the shooter came to be found both competent and sane but was spared the death penalty by a single vote. Overall, I found the book haunting, and it would have been a more comfortable read if it were fiction. There was something terribly disconcerting about following along this miserable journey, all the while knowing that the killer ultimately would destroy so many lives and then watching his disconnected existence after the massacre.

As a general adult psychiatrist, I wanted to learn something very specific from this book: What is the recipe for creating a mass murderer and what are the warning signs a psychiatrist should catch? I would like my career to be free of patients who kill. The Aurora shooter’s family life sounded fairly pedestrian. His parents are professionals; there was a boy and a girl in an intact family with attentive parents, and no findings of abuse, torture, neglect, bullying, or anything out of the ordinary.

As a child, the shooter was noted for his kindness, and he was particularly caring toward his younger sister. As he grew older, reports about his personality were conflicting: Some saw him as awkward, and later even as odd, while others described him as normal, especially within a cohort of studious kids. He played on sports teams, was an excellent student, liked nonviolent video games, and while he was not outgoing, he always had some friends, though he shunned them during the semester before the shooting. He was not comfortable with women, but he had one girlfriend in graduate school, and when that relationship broke up, he texted with another classmate about how “hot” she was and that they went hiking together. The breakup may have contributed to the shooter’s unraveling, but if it did, Dr. Reid did not present this as the precipitant, and many young men are awkward with women – and endure breakups and rejection.

While the media said the shooter failed out of school, this was not the case. He did well in his classes but chose not to study for an important oral exam while he devoted his time to gathering weapons for his mission to kill, planning out the details, learning to use firearms, and rigging up a complex explosive system around his apartment. When he failed the oral exam, he was told he could study and retake it in a few weeks. He chose, instead, to withdraw from graduate school.

 

What stood out for me was that this young man talked about thoughts of killing people. He did so to the point of worrying his psychiatrist: She called in a second psychiatrist for a consultation, alerted the university’s threat assessment team, contacted an out-of-state parent, and considered admitting him on an involuntary hold. While many patients say they might hurt someone if provoked or threatened, few discuss thoughts of killing indiscriminately. But when people do talk about killing, we do our best to flush out their intentions, whether it is a fantasy or a plan, if they’ve been violent before. This shooter had no history of violence, and he hid from the psychiatrist the fact that he was acquiring weapons and actually planning a massacre. His psychiatrist diagnosed him with social anxiety, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and possible schizotypal personality disorder. He was prescribed an antidepressant, and later offered an antipsychotic, which he refused.

Three of the four psychiatrists who evaluated the defendant for the legal proceedings made a diagnosis of schizoaffective disorder. (The fifth psychiatrist for the prosecution never examined the defendant.) Dr. Reid made a diagnosis of schizotypal personality disorder. Everyone agreed that the shooter had a mental illness that influenced his actions. When it came to ascertaining the defendant’s mental state at the time of the crime, there was a glitch: The first psychiatrist for the defense examined the defendant only once, days after the shooting, and not again until 3 years later, right before the trial. His exam was limited: The defense attorney was present in the room, and he had instructed the psychiatrist not to ask about the shooting. The attorney interrupted the interview twice, and it’s not the usual practice to place these conditions on a forensic evaluation. After that exam, there was some misunderstanding about who was in charge of the treatment, and the defendant refused the services of the jail psychiatrist. It was not until 4 months later when the inmate became dehydrated, delirious, and psychotic that he finally was evaluated and treated. Despite the abundance of psychiatric information available, no direct and complete assessment was made by a psychiatrist immediately before the shooting, or in the months right after.

When we try to understand what motivates someone to commit such a heinous act, we look for psychosis. If the person suffers from paranoid delusions and believes his behavior is in self-defense, the behavior becomes understandable and justifiable. Even if it’s less organized, if it is the clear result of a psychotic thought process, we often attribute the behavior to illness. Usually, people with psychosis are too disorganized to enact complex plans, to acquire and learn to use ammunition, to plot out when and where there will be potential victims, and to plot out this degree of planning.

This shooter had an odd belief that if he killed people, he would attain “human capital.” Their deaths might fortify him, increase his value and decrease his suffering, and thereby prevent him from dying by suicide. Dr. Reid talks about whether it’s a delusion, an overvalued idea, or just an unusual belief. The shooter was aware that others don’t agree with this, that they would see it as wrong and criminal, and he thought there was only a 50% chance that it would work. If this were a delusion, it was not one we typically see, nor was it accompanied by more usual perceptual phenomena. Ultimately, there was no consensus on whether the patient was psychotic at the time of the shooting. On antipsychotic medication, he continued to believe that if he killed people that he would attain their human capital. In his book, Dr. Reid concluded that he remained dangerous.

Because the shooter told the university health center psychiatrist that he did not want to be locked up, she considered involuntary hospitalization, but she did not believe he would meet criteria for commitment. I saw nothing that indicated whether he was offered voluntary inpatient care with an explanation that hospital treatment is not the same as being locked up and might help alleviate his suffering. We don’t know if he could have been persuaded to enter the hospital willingly, but I suspect that this would have been difficult to justify to an insurer. There’s nothing to indicate that a hospitalization would have prevented this massacre.

From my perspective, I concluded that if individuals say they are thinking about killing strangers, they may be at risk of violence. This is a much smaller group of people to target for intervention than everyone with mental illness or everyone who is odd. This particular shooter appears to suffer from some type of mental derangement that does not fit neatly into our current psychiatric nomenclature or respond to our current treatments, and thoughtful psychiatric intervention – which he had – could not prevent his actions. It seems the only thing that would have changed this outcome is if someone had discovered his arsenal before July 20, 2012. 

*Please note: The shooter’s name is intentionally omitted from my review. 

Dr. Miller is coauthor with Annette Hanson, MD, of “Committed: The Battle Over Involuntary Psychiatric Care” (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016).

It was an unthinkable crime; on July 20, 2012, a 24-year-old neuroscience graduate student* walked into a movie theatre in Aurora, Colo., and began shooting people he had never before seen. Twelve people died and 70 were wounded in this calculated and intricately planned massacre that challenged everything we know about the intersection of mental illness and evil.

So much has been written about mass shooters as we’ve struggled to understand what motivates someone to kill strangers in a public place. The hope is that if we can understand it, then we can prevent it. The topic has been one of great interest to me because it gets quickly linked to advocacy for involuntary psychiatric care: Half of mass murderers suffer from psychiatric disorders and if we could force them to get treatment, then we could prevent these horrific events.

Courtesy Wikimedia Commons/Algr/Creative Commons License

Many mass shooters die at the scene. Not only did the Aurora shooter survive, but his case went to trial – also a rarity – providing insights we have not had with other similar cases. With information gained through this court case comes “A Dark Night In Aurora” (Skyhorse Press, 2018), a careful dissection of the Aurora shooter by William H. Reid, MD, MPH. There are many books about crimes and criminals, but what caught my attention about this book was the author. Dr. Reid is one of five expert/forensic psychiatrists retained for the case and he was brought on by the judge as a second nonpartisan psychiatrist. Dr. Reid interviewed the defendant for more than 20 hours, he video-recorded the interviews, and he had access to, “... the existing seventy-five thousand pages of evidence, hundreds of audio and video files, and access to the defendants and scores of witnesses, experts, and others associated with the case ...” Dr. Reid notes that when the defendant placed his sanity in question, all confidentiality was waived.

In this case, the perpetrator had been treated by a therapist and two psychiatrists at his university counseling center in the semester before the shooting. There were video recordings of the defendant in his cell, a correctional psychiatrist in the local jail; psychiatric records from an admission to Denver Health Medical Center and two admissions to the Colorado Health Institute at Pueblo (a secure, forensic setting); and neuropsychological testing done by psychologists hired for the case. In all, there was a lot of mental health data, and I’m not aware of any other book that has been written by a psychiatrist about a criminal case where the author testified in the case.

Let me start by saying that the book is well written, very readable, and fascinating. I’d followed parts of the case in the news and had even watched some of the trial being live-streamed, so not all of the information was new, but Dr. Reid has put together the many facts of a perplexing case together in a cohesive way. There’s no literary descriptions or flowery writing; Dr. Reid is a focused writer. He also does a good job of explaining the specifics of Colorado state law to the forensic aspects of the case. In the end, there were nuances of how the shooter came to be found both competent and sane but was spared the death penalty by a single vote. Overall, I found the book haunting, and it would have been a more comfortable read if it were fiction. There was something terribly disconcerting about following along this miserable journey, all the while knowing that the killer ultimately would destroy so many lives and then watching his disconnected existence after the massacre.

As a general adult psychiatrist, I wanted to learn something very specific from this book: What is the recipe for creating a mass murderer and what are the warning signs a psychiatrist should catch? I would like my career to be free of patients who kill. The Aurora shooter’s family life sounded fairly pedestrian. His parents are professionals; there was a boy and a girl in an intact family with attentive parents, and no findings of abuse, torture, neglect, bullying, or anything out of the ordinary.

As a child, the shooter was noted for his kindness, and he was particularly caring toward his younger sister. As he grew older, reports about his personality were conflicting: Some saw him as awkward, and later even as odd, while others described him as normal, especially within a cohort of studious kids. He played on sports teams, was an excellent student, liked nonviolent video games, and while he was not outgoing, he always had some friends, though he shunned them during the semester before the shooting. He was not comfortable with women, but he had one girlfriend in graduate school, and when that relationship broke up, he texted with another classmate about how “hot” she was and that they went hiking together. The breakup may have contributed to the shooter’s unraveling, but if it did, Dr. Reid did not present this as the precipitant, and many young men are awkward with women – and endure breakups and rejection.

While the media said the shooter failed out of school, this was not the case. He did well in his classes but chose not to study for an important oral exam while he devoted his time to gathering weapons for his mission to kill, planning out the details, learning to use firearms, and rigging up a complex explosive system around his apartment. When he failed the oral exam, he was told he could study and retake it in a few weeks. He chose, instead, to withdraw from graduate school.

 

What stood out for me was that this young man talked about thoughts of killing people. He did so to the point of worrying his psychiatrist: She called in a second psychiatrist for a consultation, alerted the university’s threat assessment team, contacted an out-of-state parent, and considered admitting him on an involuntary hold. While many patients say they might hurt someone if provoked or threatened, few discuss thoughts of killing indiscriminately. But when people do talk about killing, we do our best to flush out their intentions, whether it is a fantasy or a plan, if they’ve been violent before. This shooter had no history of violence, and he hid from the psychiatrist the fact that he was acquiring weapons and actually planning a massacre. His psychiatrist diagnosed him with social anxiety, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and possible schizotypal personality disorder. He was prescribed an antidepressant, and later offered an antipsychotic, which he refused.

Three of the four psychiatrists who evaluated the defendant for the legal proceedings made a diagnosis of schizoaffective disorder. (The fifth psychiatrist for the prosecution never examined the defendant.) Dr. Reid made a diagnosis of schizotypal personality disorder. Everyone agreed that the shooter had a mental illness that influenced his actions. When it came to ascertaining the defendant’s mental state at the time of the crime, there was a glitch: The first psychiatrist for the defense examined the defendant only once, days after the shooting, and not again until 3 years later, right before the trial. His exam was limited: The defense attorney was present in the room, and he had instructed the psychiatrist not to ask about the shooting. The attorney interrupted the interview twice, and it’s not the usual practice to place these conditions on a forensic evaluation. After that exam, there was some misunderstanding about who was in charge of the treatment, and the defendant refused the services of the jail psychiatrist. It was not until 4 months later when the inmate became dehydrated, delirious, and psychotic that he finally was evaluated and treated. Despite the abundance of psychiatric information available, no direct and complete assessment was made by a psychiatrist immediately before the shooting, or in the months right after.

When we try to understand what motivates someone to commit such a heinous act, we look for psychosis. If the person suffers from paranoid delusions and believes his behavior is in self-defense, the behavior becomes understandable and justifiable. Even if it’s less organized, if it is the clear result of a psychotic thought process, we often attribute the behavior to illness. Usually, people with psychosis are too disorganized to enact complex plans, to acquire and learn to use ammunition, to plot out when and where there will be potential victims, and to plot out this degree of planning.

This shooter had an odd belief that if he killed people, he would attain “human capital.” Their deaths might fortify him, increase his value and decrease his suffering, and thereby prevent him from dying by suicide. Dr. Reid talks about whether it’s a delusion, an overvalued idea, or just an unusual belief. The shooter was aware that others don’t agree with this, that they would see it as wrong and criminal, and he thought there was only a 50% chance that it would work. If this were a delusion, it was not one we typically see, nor was it accompanied by more usual perceptual phenomena. Ultimately, there was no consensus on whether the patient was psychotic at the time of the shooting. On antipsychotic medication, he continued to believe that if he killed people that he would attain their human capital. In his book, Dr. Reid concluded that he remained dangerous.

Because the shooter told the university health center psychiatrist that he did not want to be locked up, she considered involuntary hospitalization, but she did not believe he would meet criteria for commitment. I saw nothing that indicated whether he was offered voluntary inpatient care with an explanation that hospital treatment is not the same as being locked up and might help alleviate his suffering. We don’t know if he could have been persuaded to enter the hospital willingly, but I suspect that this would have been difficult to justify to an insurer. There’s nothing to indicate that a hospitalization would have prevented this massacre.

From my perspective, I concluded that if individuals say they are thinking about killing strangers, they may be at risk of violence. This is a much smaller group of people to target for intervention than everyone with mental illness or everyone who is odd. This particular shooter appears to suffer from some type of mental derangement that does not fit neatly into our current psychiatric nomenclature or respond to our current treatments, and thoughtful psychiatric intervention – which he had – could not prevent his actions. It seems the only thing that would have changed this outcome is if someone had discovered his arsenal before July 20, 2012. 

*Please note: The shooter’s name is intentionally omitted from my review. 

Dr. Miller is coauthor with Annette Hanson, MD, of “Committed: The Battle Over Involuntary Psychiatric Care” (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016).