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As pediatric providers we are dedicated to helping children have optimal health. And what could be more basic to health than having enough food? Yet, even in one of the richest countries on the planet, as much as 25% of US families are reported to have “food insecurity.”
What does this mean? The US Department of Agriculture (USDA), the agency tracking and addressing food issues, defines food security as “marginal” when there are one or two indications, typically anxiety over food sufficiency or shortage of food even with little or no alteration of diet or intake. “Low” includes reduced quality, variety, or desirability of the diet but little or no reduced intake. When eating patterns are disrupted and intake is reduced, this is considered “very low food security.” “Hunger” refers to an individual’s physiological state when prolonged, involuntary lack of food results in discomfort, illness, weakness, or pain beyond the usual uneasy sensation. Pediatric researchers include in the definition lack of access to enough food for an active and healthy life. I will use the common term “food insecurity” here.
Children under 3 years old in homes with food insecurity have been found to be sick more often, recover more slowly from illness, and be hospitalized more frequently. Deficiencies in nutrition vary by age, with children under 6 having low vegetable intake and low iron, ages 6-11 excess sugary food intake and lower bone density in boys, and adolescents, although harder to measure, had low iron.
Physical and Mental Effects of Food Insecurity
Associated with food insecurity in the home are more developmental delays in children 4-36 months old. Beyond that, children of all ages have lower cognitive indicators, dysregulated behavior, and emotional distress than those in homes with secure food access. These are persisting deficits: kindergarten children with food insecurity have lower math and reading abilities over at least 4 years.
Mental health is also affected by food insecurity. Reviews of multiple studies of children from preschool through adolescence show more child hyperactivity, emotional dysregulation, anxiety, depression, and stress beyond those attributable to their mother’s depression and anxiety. Food insecurity in the early years is associated with mental health issues even into adolescence. School aged children and youth are well aware of the family’s struggle with food access, even when their parents do not realize this. In addition to the anxiety and depression, they may feel shame or be socially ostracized. They may eat less, or choose low-quality foods to cope. Adolescents experiencing food insecurity report greater dysthymia and suicidal ideation. It is unknown whether these mental health difficulties are due to the stress, shame, or decreased intake of macronutrients important to emotional regulation or all of these. One implication is that pediatric providers should also screen for food insecurity as well as other social drivers of health (SDOH) when addressing developmental, behavioral, or mental health issues, not just at well visits.
While we worry about effects for the child, impact of food insecurity on caregivers is significant for parenting as well as adult well-being beginning prenatally. First trimester food insecurity is associated with increased maternal stress at 2 months postpartum and lower bonding scores at 6 months, although this is moderated by social support. The stress of food insecurity and other SDoH present are associated with parental depression, anxiety, and toxic stress, making optimal parenting difficult. Caregivers experiencing insecure food access worry most about their children and may reduce their own eating and food quality to spare the child. More than 30% of families indicated that they had to choose between paying for food and paying for medicine or medical care, jeopardizing their health, making this an important point of discussion for us as well.
Quality Versus Quantity
The total amount of food is not the only factor in adequate child nutrition. Healthy foods usually cost more and also may not be conveniently available. There are so called “food deserts,” areas with few/no full-service grocery stores, and also “food swamps” where unhealthy foods (eg fast food) are more available than healthy options. Life stress, higher in low-income populations, increases the impulse to consume sweet or high-fat “comfort foods” (we all know this!) due to the rush of calories and quick satiety. Children may be influenced in their food choices by media messages about non-nutritious foods. All of these may explain the association of food insecurity with obesity in both children and adults. It also sets them up for lifetime health problems of diabetes, hyperlipidemia, and cardiovascular conditions, especially in racial and ethnic minority groups and the poor.
The Larger Picture
Obvious to us all, low income is the main reason for inadequate access to enough or good quality food. Over 60% of families with food insecurity had incomes below the poverty threshold in 2013. Households without children are half as likely to be food insecure. But as 30% of food-insecure households have incomes above the eligibility cut offs for food programs — typically 130% of poverty for Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) or 185% for Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) — it is clear the problem is not related solely to poverty. Even small changes in income or expenses, such as a car breaking down, or heating or medical bills, can quickly result in inability to afford food, especially in areas of high food costs. This is particularly true for immigrant, large, and single-parent families and those with less education. Federal food programs do not cover all food needs for every family.
But we can’t tell if a child lives in a family with food insecurity by whether the child is thin, dropping growth percentiles, or receiving Medicaid insurance. Parents, and even youth, may be reluctant to tell us that they do not have enough to eat out of pride, fear, of prejudice, being reported to a contentious ex, being detected as an illegal immigrant, or even reported for neglect and having their child removed. Because of the suffering and impacts of food insecurity on child well-being, the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) published a Policy Statement in 2015, reaffirmed in 2021, recommending screening for food insecurity at all well visits and a toolkit to help. The USDA 18-item Household Food Security Scale (HFSS) has been the gold-standard screen, but affirmative answers to either of the 2-item Hunger Vital Sign (HVS) questionnaire identifies food insecurity with a sensitivity of 97% and a specificity of 83% compared with the HFSS. The questions ask how often the following were true in the past year: 1) “We worried whether our food would run out before we got money to buy more” and 2) “The food we bought just didn’t last and we didn’t have money to buy more.” This brief screen is now recommended and practical.
Screening for Food Insecurity
All set to manage food insecurity in your practice, then? Not exactly. Screening is only useful if it results in access to food. A study in a majority low-income clinic found that parents reported food insecurity 7% of the time when the clinician asked the HVS questions versus 45% when they self-reported on paper. Parent focus groups revealed reasons for the discrepant underreporting to the clinician: shame, concerns about stigma, and fear of the child being taken away. They felt more comfortable reporting about their child than about their own family situation. When asked what the clinician did that helped them disclose food insecurity, the caregivers cited strong interpersonal skills, open body language, and empathy. They also requested being given resources for other social issues, not just food insecurity. Clinic staff found paper screening inconvenient and recommended using tablet devices (such as with CHADIS that also scores and provides interviewing help, education, and local resource listings). Clinicians found the need for a follow-up conversation time consuming. Clinic staff thought screening could be facilitated by clinician’s initiating conversations, taking care about children present, and normalizing the screen as applying to all. Caregivers wanted know the use and privacy of the information. This same clinic referred the caregivers to a Benefits Data Trust with a goal of enrolling them in food programs. Of the food insecure, 55% were referred but only one third could be reached by phone with three attempts by the benefits group. Subsequent enrollment of those reached had barriers of verification requirements, wait times, and perceived mistreatment. The program concluded that this difficult two-step process of screening and referral would be improved by an integrated system of screening and enrollment in public benefits. Provision of information about free local food resources is also important, as 84% of those already receiving SNAP benefits remained food insecure.
Offering Assistance
To assist families where food insecurity is found, we need to understand the options of services both for referrals and advocacy. The AAP toolkit is designed to help. For pregnant and postpartum women and children 0-5 years in families with income less than 130% of the poverty level, the WIC program provides electronic cards to purchase approved categories of healthy food from participating vendors. For families with incomes less than 185% of the poverty level, the SNAP program, formerly called food stamps, provides benefits. There are other programs including free and reduced cost National School Breakfast and/or Lunch programs (best when open to all), Child and Adult Care Food Program for institutions (which may include medical offices), and Summer Food Service Programs providing lunch at community sites. Since not all food-insecure families are eligible for the above services, it is important that we are ready to provide information about local food banks, pantries, and low- or no-cost produce programs (see Healthy Food Bank Hub, Feeding America, 2-1-1, or FindHelp.org).
As pediatric providers we have a special opportunity and responsibility to expand our capabilities for sensitively addressing and advocating for help for food insecurity to improve the outlook for the families under our care.
Dr. Howard is assistant professor of pediatrics at The Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine, Baltimore, and creator of CHADIS. She had no other relevant disclosures. Dr. Howard’s contribution to this publication was as a paid expert to MDedge News. E-mail her at [email protected].
As pediatric providers we are dedicated to helping children have optimal health. And what could be more basic to health than having enough food? Yet, even in one of the richest countries on the planet, as much as 25% of US families are reported to have “food insecurity.”
What does this mean? The US Department of Agriculture (USDA), the agency tracking and addressing food issues, defines food security as “marginal” when there are one or two indications, typically anxiety over food sufficiency or shortage of food even with little or no alteration of diet or intake. “Low” includes reduced quality, variety, or desirability of the diet but little or no reduced intake. When eating patterns are disrupted and intake is reduced, this is considered “very low food security.” “Hunger” refers to an individual’s physiological state when prolonged, involuntary lack of food results in discomfort, illness, weakness, or pain beyond the usual uneasy sensation. Pediatric researchers include in the definition lack of access to enough food for an active and healthy life. I will use the common term “food insecurity” here.
Children under 3 years old in homes with food insecurity have been found to be sick more often, recover more slowly from illness, and be hospitalized more frequently. Deficiencies in nutrition vary by age, with children under 6 having low vegetable intake and low iron, ages 6-11 excess sugary food intake and lower bone density in boys, and adolescents, although harder to measure, had low iron.
Physical and Mental Effects of Food Insecurity
Associated with food insecurity in the home are more developmental delays in children 4-36 months old. Beyond that, children of all ages have lower cognitive indicators, dysregulated behavior, and emotional distress than those in homes with secure food access. These are persisting deficits: kindergarten children with food insecurity have lower math and reading abilities over at least 4 years.
Mental health is also affected by food insecurity. Reviews of multiple studies of children from preschool through adolescence show more child hyperactivity, emotional dysregulation, anxiety, depression, and stress beyond those attributable to their mother’s depression and anxiety. Food insecurity in the early years is associated with mental health issues even into adolescence. School aged children and youth are well aware of the family’s struggle with food access, even when their parents do not realize this. In addition to the anxiety and depression, they may feel shame or be socially ostracized. They may eat less, or choose low-quality foods to cope. Adolescents experiencing food insecurity report greater dysthymia and suicidal ideation. It is unknown whether these mental health difficulties are due to the stress, shame, or decreased intake of macronutrients important to emotional regulation or all of these. One implication is that pediatric providers should also screen for food insecurity as well as other social drivers of health (SDOH) when addressing developmental, behavioral, or mental health issues, not just at well visits.
While we worry about effects for the child, impact of food insecurity on caregivers is significant for parenting as well as adult well-being beginning prenatally. First trimester food insecurity is associated with increased maternal stress at 2 months postpartum and lower bonding scores at 6 months, although this is moderated by social support. The stress of food insecurity and other SDoH present are associated with parental depression, anxiety, and toxic stress, making optimal parenting difficult. Caregivers experiencing insecure food access worry most about their children and may reduce their own eating and food quality to spare the child. More than 30% of families indicated that they had to choose between paying for food and paying for medicine or medical care, jeopardizing their health, making this an important point of discussion for us as well.
Quality Versus Quantity
The total amount of food is not the only factor in adequate child nutrition. Healthy foods usually cost more and also may not be conveniently available. There are so called “food deserts,” areas with few/no full-service grocery stores, and also “food swamps” where unhealthy foods (eg fast food) are more available than healthy options. Life stress, higher in low-income populations, increases the impulse to consume sweet or high-fat “comfort foods” (we all know this!) due to the rush of calories and quick satiety. Children may be influenced in their food choices by media messages about non-nutritious foods. All of these may explain the association of food insecurity with obesity in both children and adults. It also sets them up for lifetime health problems of diabetes, hyperlipidemia, and cardiovascular conditions, especially in racial and ethnic minority groups and the poor.
The Larger Picture
Obvious to us all, low income is the main reason for inadequate access to enough or good quality food. Over 60% of families with food insecurity had incomes below the poverty threshold in 2013. Households without children are half as likely to be food insecure. But as 30% of food-insecure households have incomes above the eligibility cut offs for food programs — typically 130% of poverty for Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) or 185% for Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) — it is clear the problem is not related solely to poverty. Even small changes in income or expenses, such as a car breaking down, or heating or medical bills, can quickly result in inability to afford food, especially in areas of high food costs. This is particularly true for immigrant, large, and single-parent families and those with less education. Federal food programs do not cover all food needs for every family.
But we can’t tell if a child lives in a family with food insecurity by whether the child is thin, dropping growth percentiles, or receiving Medicaid insurance. Parents, and even youth, may be reluctant to tell us that they do not have enough to eat out of pride, fear, of prejudice, being reported to a contentious ex, being detected as an illegal immigrant, or even reported for neglect and having their child removed. Because of the suffering and impacts of food insecurity on child well-being, the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) published a Policy Statement in 2015, reaffirmed in 2021, recommending screening for food insecurity at all well visits and a toolkit to help. The USDA 18-item Household Food Security Scale (HFSS) has been the gold-standard screen, but affirmative answers to either of the 2-item Hunger Vital Sign (HVS) questionnaire identifies food insecurity with a sensitivity of 97% and a specificity of 83% compared with the HFSS. The questions ask how often the following were true in the past year: 1) “We worried whether our food would run out before we got money to buy more” and 2) “The food we bought just didn’t last and we didn’t have money to buy more.” This brief screen is now recommended and practical.
Screening for Food Insecurity
All set to manage food insecurity in your practice, then? Not exactly. Screening is only useful if it results in access to food. A study in a majority low-income clinic found that parents reported food insecurity 7% of the time when the clinician asked the HVS questions versus 45% when they self-reported on paper. Parent focus groups revealed reasons for the discrepant underreporting to the clinician: shame, concerns about stigma, and fear of the child being taken away. They felt more comfortable reporting about their child than about their own family situation. When asked what the clinician did that helped them disclose food insecurity, the caregivers cited strong interpersonal skills, open body language, and empathy. They also requested being given resources for other social issues, not just food insecurity. Clinic staff found paper screening inconvenient and recommended using tablet devices (such as with CHADIS that also scores and provides interviewing help, education, and local resource listings). Clinicians found the need for a follow-up conversation time consuming. Clinic staff thought screening could be facilitated by clinician’s initiating conversations, taking care about children present, and normalizing the screen as applying to all. Caregivers wanted know the use and privacy of the information. This same clinic referred the caregivers to a Benefits Data Trust with a goal of enrolling them in food programs. Of the food insecure, 55% were referred but only one third could be reached by phone with three attempts by the benefits group. Subsequent enrollment of those reached had barriers of verification requirements, wait times, and perceived mistreatment. The program concluded that this difficult two-step process of screening and referral would be improved by an integrated system of screening and enrollment in public benefits. Provision of information about free local food resources is also important, as 84% of those already receiving SNAP benefits remained food insecure.
Offering Assistance
To assist families where food insecurity is found, we need to understand the options of services both for referrals and advocacy. The AAP toolkit is designed to help. For pregnant and postpartum women and children 0-5 years in families with income less than 130% of the poverty level, the WIC program provides electronic cards to purchase approved categories of healthy food from participating vendors. For families with incomes less than 185% of the poverty level, the SNAP program, formerly called food stamps, provides benefits. There are other programs including free and reduced cost National School Breakfast and/or Lunch programs (best when open to all), Child and Adult Care Food Program for institutions (which may include medical offices), and Summer Food Service Programs providing lunch at community sites. Since not all food-insecure families are eligible for the above services, it is important that we are ready to provide information about local food banks, pantries, and low- or no-cost produce programs (see Healthy Food Bank Hub, Feeding America, 2-1-1, or FindHelp.org).
As pediatric providers we have a special opportunity and responsibility to expand our capabilities for sensitively addressing and advocating for help for food insecurity to improve the outlook for the families under our care.
Dr. Howard is assistant professor of pediatrics at The Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine, Baltimore, and creator of CHADIS. She had no other relevant disclosures. Dr. Howard’s contribution to this publication was as a paid expert to MDedge News. E-mail her at [email protected].
As pediatric providers we are dedicated to helping children have optimal health. And what could be more basic to health than having enough food? Yet, even in one of the richest countries on the planet, as much as 25% of US families are reported to have “food insecurity.”
What does this mean? The US Department of Agriculture (USDA), the agency tracking and addressing food issues, defines food security as “marginal” when there are one or two indications, typically anxiety over food sufficiency or shortage of food even with little or no alteration of diet or intake. “Low” includes reduced quality, variety, or desirability of the diet but little or no reduced intake. When eating patterns are disrupted and intake is reduced, this is considered “very low food security.” “Hunger” refers to an individual’s physiological state when prolonged, involuntary lack of food results in discomfort, illness, weakness, or pain beyond the usual uneasy sensation. Pediatric researchers include in the definition lack of access to enough food for an active and healthy life. I will use the common term “food insecurity” here.
Children under 3 years old in homes with food insecurity have been found to be sick more often, recover more slowly from illness, and be hospitalized more frequently. Deficiencies in nutrition vary by age, with children under 6 having low vegetable intake and low iron, ages 6-11 excess sugary food intake and lower bone density in boys, and adolescents, although harder to measure, had low iron.
Physical and Mental Effects of Food Insecurity
Associated with food insecurity in the home are more developmental delays in children 4-36 months old. Beyond that, children of all ages have lower cognitive indicators, dysregulated behavior, and emotional distress than those in homes with secure food access. These are persisting deficits: kindergarten children with food insecurity have lower math and reading abilities over at least 4 years.
Mental health is also affected by food insecurity. Reviews of multiple studies of children from preschool through adolescence show more child hyperactivity, emotional dysregulation, anxiety, depression, and stress beyond those attributable to their mother’s depression and anxiety. Food insecurity in the early years is associated with mental health issues even into adolescence. School aged children and youth are well aware of the family’s struggle with food access, even when their parents do not realize this. In addition to the anxiety and depression, they may feel shame or be socially ostracized. They may eat less, or choose low-quality foods to cope. Adolescents experiencing food insecurity report greater dysthymia and suicidal ideation. It is unknown whether these mental health difficulties are due to the stress, shame, or decreased intake of macronutrients important to emotional regulation or all of these. One implication is that pediatric providers should also screen for food insecurity as well as other social drivers of health (SDOH) when addressing developmental, behavioral, or mental health issues, not just at well visits.
While we worry about effects for the child, impact of food insecurity on caregivers is significant for parenting as well as adult well-being beginning prenatally. First trimester food insecurity is associated with increased maternal stress at 2 months postpartum and lower bonding scores at 6 months, although this is moderated by social support. The stress of food insecurity and other SDoH present are associated with parental depression, anxiety, and toxic stress, making optimal parenting difficult. Caregivers experiencing insecure food access worry most about their children and may reduce their own eating and food quality to spare the child. More than 30% of families indicated that they had to choose between paying for food and paying for medicine or medical care, jeopardizing their health, making this an important point of discussion for us as well.
Quality Versus Quantity
The total amount of food is not the only factor in adequate child nutrition. Healthy foods usually cost more and also may not be conveniently available. There are so called “food deserts,” areas with few/no full-service grocery stores, and also “food swamps” where unhealthy foods (eg fast food) are more available than healthy options. Life stress, higher in low-income populations, increases the impulse to consume sweet or high-fat “comfort foods” (we all know this!) due to the rush of calories and quick satiety. Children may be influenced in their food choices by media messages about non-nutritious foods. All of these may explain the association of food insecurity with obesity in both children and adults. It also sets them up for lifetime health problems of diabetes, hyperlipidemia, and cardiovascular conditions, especially in racial and ethnic minority groups and the poor.
The Larger Picture
Obvious to us all, low income is the main reason for inadequate access to enough or good quality food. Over 60% of families with food insecurity had incomes below the poverty threshold in 2013. Households without children are half as likely to be food insecure. But as 30% of food-insecure households have incomes above the eligibility cut offs for food programs — typically 130% of poverty for Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) or 185% for Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) — it is clear the problem is not related solely to poverty. Even small changes in income or expenses, such as a car breaking down, or heating or medical bills, can quickly result in inability to afford food, especially in areas of high food costs. This is particularly true for immigrant, large, and single-parent families and those with less education. Federal food programs do not cover all food needs for every family.
But we can’t tell if a child lives in a family with food insecurity by whether the child is thin, dropping growth percentiles, or receiving Medicaid insurance. Parents, and even youth, may be reluctant to tell us that they do not have enough to eat out of pride, fear, of prejudice, being reported to a contentious ex, being detected as an illegal immigrant, or even reported for neglect and having their child removed. Because of the suffering and impacts of food insecurity on child well-being, the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) published a Policy Statement in 2015, reaffirmed in 2021, recommending screening for food insecurity at all well visits and a toolkit to help. The USDA 18-item Household Food Security Scale (HFSS) has been the gold-standard screen, but affirmative answers to either of the 2-item Hunger Vital Sign (HVS) questionnaire identifies food insecurity with a sensitivity of 97% and a specificity of 83% compared with the HFSS. The questions ask how often the following were true in the past year: 1) “We worried whether our food would run out before we got money to buy more” and 2) “The food we bought just didn’t last and we didn’t have money to buy more.” This brief screen is now recommended and practical.
Screening for Food Insecurity
All set to manage food insecurity in your practice, then? Not exactly. Screening is only useful if it results in access to food. A study in a majority low-income clinic found that parents reported food insecurity 7% of the time when the clinician asked the HVS questions versus 45% when they self-reported on paper. Parent focus groups revealed reasons for the discrepant underreporting to the clinician: shame, concerns about stigma, and fear of the child being taken away. They felt more comfortable reporting about their child than about their own family situation. When asked what the clinician did that helped them disclose food insecurity, the caregivers cited strong interpersonal skills, open body language, and empathy. They also requested being given resources for other social issues, not just food insecurity. Clinic staff found paper screening inconvenient and recommended using tablet devices (such as with CHADIS that also scores and provides interviewing help, education, and local resource listings). Clinicians found the need for a follow-up conversation time consuming. Clinic staff thought screening could be facilitated by clinician’s initiating conversations, taking care about children present, and normalizing the screen as applying to all. Caregivers wanted know the use and privacy of the information. This same clinic referred the caregivers to a Benefits Data Trust with a goal of enrolling them in food programs. Of the food insecure, 55% were referred but only one third could be reached by phone with three attempts by the benefits group. Subsequent enrollment of those reached had barriers of verification requirements, wait times, and perceived mistreatment. The program concluded that this difficult two-step process of screening and referral would be improved by an integrated system of screening and enrollment in public benefits. Provision of information about free local food resources is also important, as 84% of those already receiving SNAP benefits remained food insecure.
Offering Assistance
To assist families where food insecurity is found, we need to understand the options of services both for referrals and advocacy. The AAP toolkit is designed to help. For pregnant and postpartum women and children 0-5 years in families with income less than 130% of the poverty level, the WIC program provides electronic cards to purchase approved categories of healthy food from participating vendors. For families with incomes less than 185% of the poverty level, the SNAP program, formerly called food stamps, provides benefits. There are other programs including free and reduced cost National School Breakfast and/or Lunch programs (best when open to all), Child and Adult Care Food Program for institutions (which may include medical offices), and Summer Food Service Programs providing lunch at community sites. Since not all food-insecure families are eligible for the above services, it is important that we are ready to provide information about local food banks, pantries, and low- or no-cost produce programs (see Healthy Food Bank Hub, Feeding America, 2-1-1, or FindHelp.org).
As pediatric providers we have a special opportunity and responsibility to expand our capabilities for sensitively addressing and advocating for help for food insecurity to improve the outlook for the families under our care.
Dr. Howard is assistant professor of pediatrics at The Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine, Baltimore, and creator of CHADIS. She had no other relevant disclosures. Dr. Howard’s contribution to this publication was as a paid expert to MDedge News. E-mail her at [email protected].