Exploring cannabis use by older adults

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Changed
Tue, 08/18/2020 - 08:23

Older Americans – people aged 65 or older – make up 15% of the U.S. population, according to the Census Bureau. By the end of this decade, or the year 2030, this proportion will increase to 21% – and all “baby boomers,” those born between 1946 and 1964, will be older than 65.1 Those demographic developments are occurring alongside a change in societal, legal, and public attitudes on cannabis.

VladK213/Getty Images

Liberalization of cannabis laws across the United States allows for ever easier access to medicinal and recreational cannabis. Traditionally, cannabis use, its effects, and related considerations in the adolescent and young adult populations have commanded significant research attention. Cannabis use in older adults, however, is not as well studied.2 An exploration of trends in cannabis use by older adults and potential impact in terms of health is timely and important.

Kultaj Kaleka

According to data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health, cannabis use in adults aged 65 years and older appears to have been increasing steadily over the past 2 decades. Use among this group rose from 0.4% in 2006 and 2007, to 2.9% in 2015 and 2016.2 And, most recently, use climbed from 3.7% in 2017 to 4.2% in 2018.2

Cannabis use also has risen among other adults. For those aged 50-64, cannabis use increased from 2.8% in 2006-2007 to 4.8% in 2012-2013.2,3 Meanwhile, from 2015 to 2016, that number increased to 9.0%.3,4

Past-year cannabis use in the groups of those aged 50-64 and those aged 65 and older appears to be higher in individuals with mental health problems, alcohol use disorder, and nicotine dependence.5,6 Being male and being unmarried appear to be correlated with past-year cannabis use. Multimorbidity does not appear to be associated with past-year cannabis use. Those using cannabis tend to be long-term users and have first use at a much younger age, typically before age 21. Most older adults who report cannabis use do not perceive use to be of any risk or deem it only a slight risk.

Older adults use cannabis for both recreational and perceived medical benefits. Arthritis, chronic back pain, anxiety, depression, relaxation, stress reduction, and enhancement in terms of creativity are all purported reasons for use. However, there is limited to no evidence for the efficacy of cannabis in helping with those conditions and purposes. Clinical trials have shown that cannabis can be beneficial in managing pain and nausea, but those trials have not been conducted in older adults.7,8

There is a real risk of cannabis use having a negative impact on the health of older adults. To begin with, the cannabis consumed today is significantly higher in potency than the cannabis that baby boomers were introduced to in their youth. The higher potency, combined with an age-related decline in function experienced by some older adults, makes them vulnerable to its known side effects, such as anxiety, dry mouth, tachycardia, high blood pressure, palpitations, wheezing, confusion, and dizziness.

Cannabis use is reported to bring a fourfold increase in cardiac events within the first hour of ingestion.9 Cognitive decline and memory impairment are well known adverse effects of cannabis use. Research has shown significant self-reported cognitive decline in older adults in relation to cannabis use.Cannabis metabolites are known to have an effect on cytochrome P450 enzymes, affecting the metabolism of medication, and increasing the susceptibility of older adults who use cannabis to adverse effects of polypharmacy. Finally, as research on emergency department visits by older adults shows, cannabis use can increase the risk of injury among this cohort.

As in the United States, cannabis use among older adults in Canada has increased significantly. The percentage of older adults who use cannabis in the Canadian province of Ontario, for example, reportedly doubled from 2005 to 2015. In response to this increase, and in anticipation of a rise in problematic use of cannabis and cannabis use disorder in older adults, the Canadian Coalition for Seniors’ Mental Health (through financial support from Substance Use and Addictions Program of Health Canada) has created guidelines on the prevention, assessment, and management of cannabis use disorder in older adults.

In the absence of a set of guidelines specific to the United States, the recommendations made by the coalition should be helpful in the care of older Americans. Among other recommendations, the guidelines highlight the needs for primary care physicians to build a better knowledge base around the use of cannabis in older adults, to screen older adults for cannabis use, and to educate older adults and their families about the risk of cannabis use.9

Cannabis use is increasingly popular among older adults10 for both medicinal and recreational purposes. Research and data supporting its medical benefits are limited, and the potential of harm from its use among older adults is present and significant. Importantly, many older adults who use marijuana have co-occurring mental health issues and substance use disorder(s).

Often, our older patients learn about benefits and harms of cannabis from friends and the Internet rather than from physicians and other clinicians.9 We must do our part to make sure that older patients understand the potential negative health impact that cannabis can have on their health. Physicians should screen older adults for marijuana use. Building a better knowledge base around changing trends and views in/on the use and accessibility of cannabis will help physicians better address cannabis use in older adults.
 

Mr. Kaleka is a medical student in the class of 2021 at Central Michigan University College of Medicine, Mount Pleasant. He has no disclosures. Mr. Kaleka would like to thank his mentor, Furhut Janssen, DO, for her continued guidance and support in research on mental health in vulnerable populations.

References

1. Vespa J et al. Demographic turning points for the United States: Population projections for 2020 to 2060. Current Population Reports. Washington: U.S. Census Bureau. 2020 Feb.

2. Han BH et al. Addiction. 2016 Oct 21. doi: 10.1111/add.13670.

3. Han BH and Palamar JJ. Drug Alcohol Depend. 2018 Oct;191:374-81.

4. Han BH and Palamar JJ. JAMA Intern Med. 2020 Feb 4;180(4):609-11.

5. Choi NG et al. Drug Alcohol Abuse. 2018;44(2):215-23.

6. Reynolds IR et al. J Am Griatr Soc. 2018 Nov;66(11):2167-71.

7. Ahmed AIA et al. J Am Geriatr Soc. 2014 Feb;62(2):410-1.

8. Lum HD et al. Gerontol Geriatr Med. 2019 Jan-Dec;5:2333721419843707.

9. Bertram JR et al. Can Geriatr J. 2020 Mar;23(1):135-42.

10. Baumbusch J and Yip IS. Clin Gerontol. 2020 Mar 29;1-7.

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Older Americans – people aged 65 or older – make up 15% of the U.S. population, according to the Census Bureau. By the end of this decade, or the year 2030, this proportion will increase to 21% – and all “baby boomers,” those born between 1946 and 1964, will be older than 65.1 Those demographic developments are occurring alongside a change in societal, legal, and public attitudes on cannabis.

VladK213/Getty Images

Liberalization of cannabis laws across the United States allows for ever easier access to medicinal and recreational cannabis. Traditionally, cannabis use, its effects, and related considerations in the adolescent and young adult populations have commanded significant research attention. Cannabis use in older adults, however, is not as well studied.2 An exploration of trends in cannabis use by older adults and potential impact in terms of health is timely and important.

Kultaj Kaleka

According to data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health, cannabis use in adults aged 65 years and older appears to have been increasing steadily over the past 2 decades. Use among this group rose from 0.4% in 2006 and 2007, to 2.9% in 2015 and 2016.2 And, most recently, use climbed from 3.7% in 2017 to 4.2% in 2018.2

Cannabis use also has risen among other adults. For those aged 50-64, cannabis use increased from 2.8% in 2006-2007 to 4.8% in 2012-2013.2,3 Meanwhile, from 2015 to 2016, that number increased to 9.0%.3,4

Past-year cannabis use in the groups of those aged 50-64 and those aged 65 and older appears to be higher in individuals with mental health problems, alcohol use disorder, and nicotine dependence.5,6 Being male and being unmarried appear to be correlated with past-year cannabis use. Multimorbidity does not appear to be associated with past-year cannabis use. Those using cannabis tend to be long-term users and have first use at a much younger age, typically before age 21. Most older adults who report cannabis use do not perceive use to be of any risk or deem it only a slight risk.

Older adults use cannabis for both recreational and perceived medical benefits. Arthritis, chronic back pain, anxiety, depression, relaxation, stress reduction, and enhancement in terms of creativity are all purported reasons for use. However, there is limited to no evidence for the efficacy of cannabis in helping with those conditions and purposes. Clinical trials have shown that cannabis can be beneficial in managing pain and nausea, but those trials have not been conducted in older adults.7,8

There is a real risk of cannabis use having a negative impact on the health of older adults. To begin with, the cannabis consumed today is significantly higher in potency than the cannabis that baby boomers were introduced to in their youth. The higher potency, combined with an age-related decline in function experienced by some older adults, makes them vulnerable to its known side effects, such as anxiety, dry mouth, tachycardia, high blood pressure, palpitations, wheezing, confusion, and dizziness.

Cannabis use is reported to bring a fourfold increase in cardiac events within the first hour of ingestion.9 Cognitive decline and memory impairment are well known adverse effects of cannabis use. Research has shown significant self-reported cognitive decline in older adults in relation to cannabis use.Cannabis metabolites are known to have an effect on cytochrome P450 enzymes, affecting the metabolism of medication, and increasing the susceptibility of older adults who use cannabis to adverse effects of polypharmacy. Finally, as research on emergency department visits by older adults shows, cannabis use can increase the risk of injury among this cohort.

As in the United States, cannabis use among older adults in Canada has increased significantly. The percentage of older adults who use cannabis in the Canadian province of Ontario, for example, reportedly doubled from 2005 to 2015. In response to this increase, and in anticipation of a rise in problematic use of cannabis and cannabis use disorder in older adults, the Canadian Coalition for Seniors’ Mental Health (through financial support from Substance Use and Addictions Program of Health Canada) has created guidelines on the prevention, assessment, and management of cannabis use disorder in older adults.

In the absence of a set of guidelines specific to the United States, the recommendations made by the coalition should be helpful in the care of older Americans. Among other recommendations, the guidelines highlight the needs for primary care physicians to build a better knowledge base around the use of cannabis in older adults, to screen older adults for cannabis use, and to educate older adults and their families about the risk of cannabis use.9

Cannabis use is increasingly popular among older adults10 for both medicinal and recreational purposes. Research and data supporting its medical benefits are limited, and the potential of harm from its use among older adults is present and significant. Importantly, many older adults who use marijuana have co-occurring mental health issues and substance use disorder(s).

Often, our older patients learn about benefits and harms of cannabis from friends and the Internet rather than from physicians and other clinicians.9 We must do our part to make sure that older patients understand the potential negative health impact that cannabis can have on their health. Physicians should screen older adults for marijuana use. Building a better knowledge base around changing trends and views in/on the use and accessibility of cannabis will help physicians better address cannabis use in older adults.
 

Mr. Kaleka is a medical student in the class of 2021 at Central Michigan University College of Medicine, Mount Pleasant. He has no disclosures. Mr. Kaleka would like to thank his mentor, Furhut Janssen, DO, for her continued guidance and support in research on mental health in vulnerable populations.

References

1. Vespa J et al. Demographic turning points for the United States: Population projections for 2020 to 2060. Current Population Reports. Washington: U.S. Census Bureau. 2020 Feb.

2. Han BH et al. Addiction. 2016 Oct 21. doi: 10.1111/add.13670.

3. Han BH and Palamar JJ. Drug Alcohol Depend. 2018 Oct;191:374-81.

4. Han BH and Palamar JJ. JAMA Intern Med. 2020 Feb 4;180(4):609-11.

5. Choi NG et al. Drug Alcohol Abuse. 2018;44(2):215-23.

6. Reynolds IR et al. J Am Griatr Soc. 2018 Nov;66(11):2167-71.

7. Ahmed AIA et al. J Am Geriatr Soc. 2014 Feb;62(2):410-1.

8. Lum HD et al. Gerontol Geriatr Med. 2019 Jan-Dec;5:2333721419843707.

9. Bertram JR et al. Can Geriatr J. 2020 Mar;23(1):135-42.

10. Baumbusch J and Yip IS. Clin Gerontol. 2020 Mar 29;1-7.

Older Americans – people aged 65 or older – make up 15% of the U.S. population, according to the Census Bureau. By the end of this decade, or the year 2030, this proportion will increase to 21% – and all “baby boomers,” those born between 1946 and 1964, will be older than 65.1 Those demographic developments are occurring alongside a change in societal, legal, and public attitudes on cannabis.

VladK213/Getty Images

Liberalization of cannabis laws across the United States allows for ever easier access to medicinal and recreational cannabis. Traditionally, cannabis use, its effects, and related considerations in the adolescent and young adult populations have commanded significant research attention. Cannabis use in older adults, however, is not as well studied.2 An exploration of trends in cannabis use by older adults and potential impact in terms of health is timely and important.

Kultaj Kaleka

According to data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health, cannabis use in adults aged 65 years and older appears to have been increasing steadily over the past 2 decades. Use among this group rose from 0.4% in 2006 and 2007, to 2.9% in 2015 and 2016.2 And, most recently, use climbed from 3.7% in 2017 to 4.2% in 2018.2

Cannabis use also has risen among other adults. For those aged 50-64, cannabis use increased from 2.8% in 2006-2007 to 4.8% in 2012-2013.2,3 Meanwhile, from 2015 to 2016, that number increased to 9.0%.3,4

Past-year cannabis use in the groups of those aged 50-64 and those aged 65 and older appears to be higher in individuals with mental health problems, alcohol use disorder, and nicotine dependence.5,6 Being male and being unmarried appear to be correlated with past-year cannabis use. Multimorbidity does not appear to be associated with past-year cannabis use. Those using cannabis tend to be long-term users and have first use at a much younger age, typically before age 21. Most older adults who report cannabis use do not perceive use to be of any risk or deem it only a slight risk.

Older adults use cannabis for both recreational and perceived medical benefits. Arthritis, chronic back pain, anxiety, depression, relaxation, stress reduction, and enhancement in terms of creativity are all purported reasons for use. However, there is limited to no evidence for the efficacy of cannabis in helping with those conditions and purposes. Clinical trials have shown that cannabis can be beneficial in managing pain and nausea, but those trials have not been conducted in older adults.7,8

There is a real risk of cannabis use having a negative impact on the health of older adults. To begin with, the cannabis consumed today is significantly higher in potency than the cannabis that baby boomers were introduced to in their youth. The higher potency, combined with an age-related decline in function experienced by some older adults, makes them vulnerable to its known side effects, such as anxiety, dry mouth, tachycardia, high blood pressure, palpitations, wheezing, confusion, and dizziness.

Cannabis use is reported to bring a fourfold increase in cardiac events within the first hour of ingestion.9 Cognitive decline and memory impairment are well known adverse effects of cannabis use. Research has shown significant self-reported cognitive decline in older adults in relation to cannabis use.Cannabis metabolites are known to have an effect on cytochrome P450 enzymes, affecting the metabolism of medication, and increasing the susceptibility of older adults who use cannabis to adverse effects of polypharmacy. Finally, as research on emergency department visits by older adults shows, cannabis use can increase the risk of injury among this cohort.

As in the United States, cannabis use among older adults in Canada has increased significantly. The percentage of older adults who use cannabis in the Canadian province of Ontario, for example, reportedly doubled from 2005 to 2015. In response to this increase, and in anticipation of a rise in problematic use of cannabis and cannabis use disorder in older adults, the Canadian Coalition for Seniors’ Mental Health (through financial support from Substance Use and Addictions Program of Health Canada) has created guidelines on the prevention, assessment, and management of cannabis use disorder in older adults.

In the absence of a set of guidelines specific to the United States, the recommendations made by the coalition should be helpful in the care of older Americans. Among other recommendations, the guidelines highlight the needs for primary care physicians to build a better knowledge base around the use of cannabis in older adults, to screen older adults for cannabis use, and to educate older adults and their families about the risk of cannabis use.9

Cannabis use is increasingly popular among older adults10 for both medicinal and recreational purposes. Research and data supporting its medical benefits are limited, and the potential of harm from its use among older adults is present and significant. Importantly, many older adults who use marijuana have co-occurring mental health issues and substance use disorder(s).

Often, our older patients learn about benefits and harms of cannabis from friends and the Internet rather than from physicians and other clinicians.9 We must do our part to make sure that older patients understand the potential negative health impact that cannabis can have on their health. Physicians should screen older adults for marijuana use. Building a better knowledge base around changing trends and views in/on the use and accessibility of cannabis will help physicians better address cannabis use in older adults.
 

Mr. Kaleka is a medical student in the class of 2021 at Central Michigan University College of Medicine, Mount Pleasant. He has no disclosures. Mr. Kaleka would like to thank his mentor, Furhut Janssen, DO, for her continued guidance and support in research on mental health in vulnerable populations.

References

1. Vespa J et al. Demographic turning points for the United States: Population projections for 2020 to 2060. Current Population Reports. Washington: U.S. Census Bureau. 2020 Feb.

2. Han BH et al. Addiction. 2016 Oct 21. doi: 10.1111/add.13670.

3. Han BH and Palamar JJ. Drug Alcohol Depend. 2018 Oct;191:374-81.

4. Han BH and Palamar JJ. JAMA Intern Med. 2020 Feb 4;180(4):609-11.

5. Choi NG et al. Drug Alcohol Abuse. 2018;44(2):215-23.

6. Reynolds IR et al. J Am Griatr Soc. 2018 Nov;66(11):2167-71.

7. Ahmed AIA et al. J Am Geriatr Soc. 2014 Feb;62(2):410-1.

8. Lum HD et al. Gerontol Geriatr Med. 2019 Jan-Dec;5:2333721419843707.

9. Bertram JR et al. Can Geriatr J. 2020 Mar;23(1):135-42.

10. Baumbusch J and Yip IS. Clin Gerontol. 2020 Mar 29;1-7.

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Addressing suicide prevention among South Asian Americans

Article Type
Changed
Fri, 06/12/2020 - 14:37

Multifaceted strategies are needed to address unique cultural factors

On first glance, the age-adjusted rate of suicide for Asian and Pacific Islander populations living in the United States looks comparatively low.

Kultaj Kaleka

Over the past 2 decades in the United States, for example, the overall rate increased by 35%, from, 10.5 to 14.2 per 100,000 individuals. That compares with a rate of 7.0 per 100,000 among Asian and Pacific Islander communities.1

However, because of the aggregate nature (national suicide mortality data combine people of Asian, Native Hawaiian, and other Pacific Islander descent into a single group) in which these data are reported, a significant amount of salient information on subgroups of Asian Americans is lost.2 There is a growing body of research on the mental health of Asian Americans, but the dearth of information and research on suicide in South Asians is striking.3 In fact, a review of literature finds fewer than 10 articles on the topic that have been published in peer-reviewed journals in the last decade. It is important for mental health professionals to understand the unique cultural characteristics of South Asians living in the United States to provide effective, culturally sensitive care.
 

Diverse group

There are 3.4 million individuals of South Asian descent in the United States. Geographically, South Asians may have familial and cultural/historical roots in Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, and Pakistan.4 They enjoy a rich diversity in terms of cultural and religious beliefs, language, socioeconomic status, modes of acculturation, and immigration patterns. Asian Indians are the largest group of South Asians in the United States. They are highly educated, with a larger proportion of them pursuing an undergraduate and/or graduate level education than the general population. The median household income of Asian Indians is also higher than the national average.5

In general, suicide, like all mental health issues, is a stigmatized and taboo topic in the South Asian community.6 Also, South Asian Americans are hesitant to seek mental health care because of a perceived inability of Western health care professionals to understand their cultural views. Extrapolation from data on South Asians in the United Kingdom, aggregate statistics for Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, and studies on South Asians in the United States highlight two South Asian subgroups that are particularly vulnerable to suicide. These are young adults (aged 18-24 years) and women.7

Suicide is the second-leading cause of death for young Asian American men in the United States. Rates of lifetime suicidal ideation and attempts are higher among younger Asian Americans (aged 18-24 years) than among older Asian American adults. Young Asian American adults have been found to have higher levels of suicidal ideation than their white counterparts.8,9 Acculturation or assimilating into a different culture, familial violence as a child, hopelessness or a thought pattern with a pessimistic outlook, depression, and childhood sexual abuse have all been found to be positively correlated with suicidal ideation and attempted suicide in South Asian Americans. One study that conducted0 in-group analysis on undergraduate university students of South Asian descent living in New York found higher levels of hopelessness and depression in Asian Indians relative to Bangladeshi or Pakistani Americans.10

In addition, higher levels of suicidal ideation are reported in Asian Indians relative to Bangladeshi or Pakistani Americans. These results resemble findings from similar studies in the United Kingdom. A posited reason for these findings is a difference in religious beliefs. Pakistani and Bangladeshi Americans are predominantly Muslim, have stronger moral beliefs against suicide, and consider it a sin as defined by Islamic beliefs. Asian Indians, in contrast, are majority Hindu and believe in reincarnation – a context that might make suicide seem more permissible.11

South Asian women are particularly vulnerable to domestic violence, childhood sexual abuse, intimate partner violence, and/or familial violence. Cultural gender norms, traditional norms, and patriarchal ideology in the South Asian community make quantifying the level of childhood sexual abuse and familial violence a challenge. Furthermore, culturally, South Asian women are often considered subordinate relative to men, and discussion around family violence and childhood sexual abuse is avoided. Studies from the United Kingdom find a lack of knowledge around, disclosure of, and fear of reporting childhood sexual abuse in South Asian women. A study of a sample of representative South Asian American women found that 25.2% had experienced some form of childhood sexual abuse.12

Research also suggests that South Asians in the United States have some of the highest rates of intimate partner violence. Another study in the United States found that two out of five South Asian women have experienced physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence. This is much higher than the rate found in representative general U.S. population samples.

Literature suggests that exposure to these factors increases womens’ risk for suicidal ideation and attempted suicide. In the United Kingdom, research on South Asian women (aged 18-24 years) has found rates of attempted suicide to be three times higher than those of their white counterparts. Research from the United Kingdom and the United States suggests that younger married South Asian women are exposed to emotional and/or physical abuse from their spouse or in-laws, which is often a mediating factor in their increased risk for suicide.

Attempts to address suicide in the South Asian American community have to be multifaceted. An ideal approach would consist of educating, and connecting with, the community through ethnic media and trusted community sources, such as primary care doctors, caregivers, and social workers. In line with established American Psychological Association guidelines on caring for individuals of immigrant origin, health care professionals should document the patient’s number of generations in the country, number of years in the country, language fluency, family and community support, educational level, social status changes related to immigration, intimate relationships with people of different backgrounds, and stress related to acculturation. Special attention should be paid to South Asian women. Health care professionals should screen South Asian women for past and current intimate partner violence, provide culturally appropriate intimate partner violence resources, and be prepared to refer them to legal counseling services. Also, South Asian women should be screened for a history of exposure to familial violence and childhood sexual abuse.1

To adequately serve this population, there is a need to build capacity in the provision of culturally appropriate mental health services. Access to mental health care professionals through settings such as shelters for abused women, South Asian community–based organizations, youth centers, college counseling, and senior centers would encourage individuals to seek care without the threat of being stigmatized.
 

References

1. Hedegaard H et al. Suicide mortality in the United States, 1999–2017. NCHS Data Brief, No. 330. 2018 Nov.

2. Ahmad-Stout DJ and Nath SR. J College Stud Psychother. 2013 Jan 10;27(1):43-61.

3. Li H and Keshavan M. Asian J Psychiatry. 2011;4(1):1.

4. Nagaraj NC et al. J Immigr Minor Health. 2019 Oct;21(5):978-1003.

5. Nagaraj NC et al. J Comm Health. 2018;43(3):543-51.

6. Cao KO. Generations. 2014;30(4):82-5.

7. Hurwitz EJ et al. J Immigr Minor Health. 2006;8(3):251-61.

8. Polanco-Roman L et al. Cultur Divers Ethnic Minor Psychol. 2019 Dec 23. doi: 10.1037/cpd0000313.

9. Erausquin JT et al. J Youth Adolesc. 2019 Sep;48(9):1796-1805.

10. Lane R et al. Asian Am J Psychol. 2016;7(2):120-8.

11. Nath SR et al. Asian Am J Psychol. 2018;9(4):334-343.

12. Robertson HA et al. J Immigr Minor Health. 2016 Jul 31;18(4):921-7.
 

Mr. Kaleka is a medical student in the class of 2021 at Central Michigan University (CMU) College of Medicine, Mt. Pleasant. He has no disclosures. Mr. Kaleka would like to thank his mentor, Furhut Janssen, DO, for her continued guidance and support in research on mental health in immigrant populations.

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Multifaceted strategies are needed to address unique cultural factors

Multifaceted strategies are needed to address unique cultural factors

On first glance, the age-adjusted rate of suicide for Asian and Pacific Islander populations living in the United States looks comparatively low.

Kultaj Kaleka

Over the past 2 decades in the United States, for example, the overall rate increased by 35%, from, 10.5 to 14.2 per 100,000 individuals. That compares with a rate of 7.0 per 100,000 among Asian and Pacific Islander communities.1

However, because of the aggregate nature (national suicide mortality data combine people of Asian, Native Hawaiian, and other Pacific Islander descent into a single group) in which these data are reported, a significant amount of salient information on subgroups of Asian Americans is lost.2 There is a growing body of research on the mental health of Asian Americans, but the dearth of information and research on suicide in South Asians is striking.3 In fact, a review of literature finds fewer than 10 articles on the topic that have been published in peer-reviewed journals in the last decade. It is important for mental health professionals to understand the unique cultural characteristics of South Asians living in the United States to provide effective, culturally sensitive care.
 

Diverse group

There are 3.4 million individuals of South Asian descent in the United States. Geographically, South Asians may have familial and cultural/historical roots in Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, and Pakistan.4 They enjoy a rich diversity in terms of cultural and religious beliefs, language, socioeconomic status, modes of acculturation, and immigration patterns. Asian Indians are the largest group of South Asians in the United States. They are highly educated, with a larger proportion of them pursuing an undergraduate and/or graduate level education than the general population. The median household income of Asian Indians is also higher than the national average.5

In general, suicide, like all mental health issues, is a stigmatized and taboo topic in the South Asian community.6 Also, South Asian Americans are hesitant to seek mental health care because of a perceived inability of Western health care professionals to understand their cultural views. Extrapolation from data on South Asians in the United Kingdom, aggregate statistics for Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, and studies on South Asians in the United States highlight two South Asian subgroups that are particularly vulnerable to suicide. These are young adults (aged 18-24 years) and women.7

Suicide is the second-leading cause of death for young Asian American men in the United States. Rates of lifetime suicidal ideation and attempts are higher among younger Asian Americans (aged 18-24 years) than among older Asian American adults. Young Asian American adults have been found to have higher levels of suicidal ideation than their white counterparts.8,9 Acculturation or assimilating into a different culture, familial violence as a child, hopelessness or a thought pattern with a pessimistic outlook, depression, and childhood sexual abuse have all been found to be positively correlated with suicidal ideation and attempted suicide in South Asian Americans. One study that conducted0 in-group analysis on undergraduate university students of South Asian descent living in New York found higher levels of hopelessness and depression in Asian Indians relative to Bangladeshi or Pakistani Americans.10

In addition, higher levels of suicidal ideation are reported in Asian Indians relative to Bangladeshi or Pakistani Americans. These results resemble findings from similar studies in the United Kingdom. A posited reason for these findings is a difference in religious beliefs. Pakistani and Bangladeshi Americans are predominantly Muslim, have stronger moral beliefs against suicide, and consider it a sin as defined by Islamic beliefs. Asian Indians, in contrast, are majority Hindu and believe in reincarnation – a context that might make suicide seem more permissible.11

South Asian women are particularly vulnerable to domestic violence, childhood sexual abuse, intimate partner violence, and/or familial violence. Cultural gender norms, traditional norms, and patriarchal ideology in the South Asian community make quantifying the level of childhood sexual abuse and familial violence a challenge. Furthermore, culturally, South Asian women are often considered subordinate relative to men, and discussion around family violence and childhood sexual abuse is avoided. Studies from the United Kingdom find a lack of knowledge around, disclosure of, and fear of reporting childhood sexual abuse in South Asian women. A study of a sample of representative South Asian American women found that 25.2% had experienced some form of childhood sexual abuse.12

Research also suggests that South Asians in the United States have some of the highest rates of intimate partner violence. Another study in the United States found that two out of five South Asian women have experienced physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence. This is much higher than the rate found in representative general U.S. population samples.

Literature suggests that exposure to these factors increases womens’ risk for suicidal ideation and attempted suicide. In the United Kingdom, research on South Asian women (aged 18-24 years) has found rates of attempted suicide to be three times higher than those of their white counterparts. Research from the United Kingdom and the United States suggests that younger married South Asian women are exposed to emotional and/or physical abuse from their spouse or in-laws, which is often a mediating factor in their increased risk for suicide.

Attempts to address suicide in the South Asian American community have to be multifaceted. An ideal approach would consist of educating, and connecting with, the community through ethnic media and trusted community sources, such as primary care doctors, caregivers, and social workers. In line with established American Psychological Association guidelines on caring for individuals of immigrant origin, health care professionals should document the patient’s number of generations in the country, number of years in the country, language fluency, family and community support, educational level, social status changes related to immigration, intimate relationships with people of different backgrounds, and stress related to acculturation. Special attention should be paid to South Asian women. Health care professionals should screen South Asian women for past and current intimate partner violence, provide culturally appropriate intimate partner violence resources, and be prepared to refer them to legal counseling services. Also, South Asian women should be screened for a history of exposure to familial violence and childhood sexual abuse.1

To adequately serve this population, there is a need to build capacity in the provision of culturally appropriate mental health services. Access to mental health care professionals through settings such as shelters for abused women, South Asian community–based organizations, youth centers, college counseling, and senior centers would encourage individuals to seek care without the threat of being stigmatized.
 

References

1. Hedegaard H et al. Suicide mortality in the United States, 1999–2017. NCHS Data Brief, No. 330. 2018 Nov.

2. Ahmad-Stout DJ and Nath SR. J College Stud Psychother. 2013 Jan 10;27(1):43-61.

3. Li H and Keshavan M. Asian J Psychiatry. 2011;4(1):1.

4. Nagaraj NC et al. J Immigr Minor Health. 2019 Oct;21(5):978-1003.

5. Nagaraj NC et al. J Comm Health. 2018;43(3):543-51.

6. Cao KO. Generations. 2014;30(4):82-5.

7. Hurwitz EJ et al. J Immigr Minor Health. 2006;8(3):251-61.

8. Polanco-Roman L et al. Cultur Divers Ethnic Minor Psychol. 2019 Dec 23. doi: 10.1037/cpd0000313.

9. Erausquin JT et al. J Youth Adolesc. 2019 Sep;48(9):1796-1805.

10. Lane R et al. Asian Am J Psychol. 2016;7(2):120-8.

11. Nath SR et al. Asian Am J Psychol. 2018;9(4):334-343.

12. Robertson HA et al. J Immigr Minor Health. 2016 Jul 31;18(4):921-7.
 

Mr. Kaleka is a medical student in the class of 2021 at Central Michigan University (CMU) College of Medicine, Mt. Pleasant. He has no disclosures. Mr. Kaleka would like to thank his mentor, Furhut Janssen, DO, for her continued guidance and support in research on mental health in immigrant populations.

On first glance, the age-adjusted rate of suicide for Asian and Pacific Islander populations living in the United States looks comparatively low.

Kultaj Kaleka

Over the past 2 decades in the United States, for example, the overall rate increased by 35%, from, 10.5 to 14.2 per 100,000 individuals. That compares with a rate of 7.0 per 100,000 among Asian and Pacific Islander communities.1

However, because of the aggregate nature (national suicide mortality data combine people of Asian, Native Hawaiian, and other Pacific Islander descent into a single group) in which these data are reported, a significant amount of salient information on subgroups of Asian Americans is lost.2 There is a growing body of research on the mental health of Asian Americans, but the dearth of information and research on suicide in South Asians is striking.3 In fact, a review of literature finds fewer than 10 articles on the topic that have been published in peer-reviewed journals in the last decade. It is important for mental health professionals to understand the unique cultural characteristics of South Asians living in the United States to provide effective, culturally sensitive care.
 

Diverse group

There are 3.4 million individuals of South Asian descent in the United States. Geographically, South Asians may have familial and cultural/historical roots in Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, and Pakistan.4 They enjoy a rich diversity in terms of cultural and religious beliefs, language, socioeconomic status, modes of acculturation, and immigration patterns. Asian Indians are the largest group of South Asians in the United States. They are highly educated, with a larger proportion of them pursuing an undergraduate and/or graduate level education than the general population. The median household income of Asian Indians is also higher than the national average.5

In general, suicide, like all mental health issues, is a stigmatized and taboo topic in the South Asian community.6 Also, South Asian Americans are hesitant to seek mental health care because of a perceived inability of Western health care professionals to understand their cultural views. Extrapolation from data on South Asians in the United Kingdom, aggregate statistics for Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, and studies on South Asians in the United States highlight two South Asian subgroups that are particularly vulnerable to suicide. These are young adults (aged 18-24 years) and women.7

Suicide is the second-leading cause of death for young Asian American men in the United States. Rates of lifetime suicidal ideation and attempts are higher among younger Asian Americans (aged 18-24 years) than among older Asian American adults. Young Asian American adults have been found to have higher levels of suicidal ideation than their white counterparts.8,9 Acculturation or assimilating into a different culture, familial violence as a child, hopelessness or a thought pattern with a pessimistic outlook, depression, and childhood sexual abuse have all been found to be positively correlated with suicidal ideation and attempted suicide in South Asian Americans. One study that conducted0 in-group analysis on undergraduate university students of South Asian descent living in New York found higher levels of hopelessness and depression in Asian Indians relative to Bangladeshi or Pakistani Americans.10

In addition, higher levels of suicidal ideation are reported in Asian Indians relative to Bangladeshi or Pakistani Americans. These results resemble findings from similar studies in the United Kingdom. A posited reason for these findings is a difference in religious beliefs. Pakistani and Bangladeshi Americans are predominantly Muslim, have stronger moral beliefs against suicide, and consider it a sin as defined by Islamic beliefs. Asian Indians, in contrast, are majority Hindu and believe in reincarnation – a context that might make suicide seem more permissible.11

South Asian women are particularly vulnerable to domestic violence, childhood sexual abuse, intimate partner violence, and/or familial violence. Cultural gender norms, traditional norms, and patriarchal ideology in the South Asian community make quantifying the level of childhood sexual abuse and familial violence a challenge. Furthermore, culturally, South Asian women are often considered subordinate relative to men, and discussion around family violence and childhood sexual abuse is avoided. Studies from the United Kingdom find a lack of knowledge around, disclosure of, and fear of reporting childhood sexual abuse in South Asian women. A study of a sample of representative South Asian American women found that 25.2% had experienced some form of childhood sexual abuse.12

Research also suggests that South Asians in the United States have some of the highest rates of intimate partner violence. Another study in the United States found that two out of five South Asian women have experienced physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence. This is much higher than the rate found in representative general U.S. population samples.

Literature suggests that exposure to these factors increases womens’ risk for suicidal ideation and attempted suicide. In the United Kingdom, research on South Asian women (aged 18-24 years) has found rates of attempted suicide to be three times higher than those of their white counterparts. Research from the United Kingdom and the United States suggests that younger married South Asian women are exposed to emotional and/or physical abuse from their spouse or in-laws, which is often a mediating factor in their increased risk for suicide.

Attempts to address suicide in the South Asian American community have to be multifaceted. An ideal approach would consist of educating, and connecting with, the community through ethnic media and trusted community sources, such as primary care doctors, caregivers, and social workers. In line with established American Psychological Association guidelines on caring for individuals of immigrant origin, health care professionals should document the patient’s number of generations in the country, number of years in the country, language fluency, family and community support, educational level, social status changes related to immigration, intimate relationships with people of different backgrounds, and stress related to acculturation. Special attention should be paid to South Asian women. Health care professionals should screen South Asian women for past and current intimate partner violence, provide culturally appropriate intimate partner violence resources, and be prepared to refer them to legal counseling services. Also, South Asian women should be screened for a history of exposure to familial violence and childhood sexual abuse.1

To adequately serve this population, there is a need to build capacity in the provision of culturally appropriate mental health services. Access to mental health care professionals through settings such as shelters for abused women, South Asian community–based organizations, youth centers, college counseling, and senior centers would encourage individuals to seek care without the threat of being stigmatized.
 

References

1. Hedegaard H et al. Suicide mortality in the United States, 1999–2017. NCHS Data Brief, No. 330. 2018 Nov.

2. Ahmad-Stout DJ and Nath SR. J College Stud Psychother. 2013 Jan 10;27(1):43-61.

3. Li H and Keshavan M. Asian J Psychiatry. 2011;4(1):1.

4. Nagaraj NC et al. J Immigr Minor Health. 2019 Oct;21(5):978-1003.

5. Nagaraj NC et al. J Comm Health. 2018;43(3):543-51.

6. Cao KO. Generations. 2014;30(4):82-5.

7. Hurwitz EJ et al. J Immigr Minor Health. 2006;8(3):251-61.

8. Polanco-Roman L et al. Cultur Divers Ethnic Minor Psychol. 2019 Dec 23. doi: 10.1037/cpd0000313.

9. Erausquin JT et al. J Youth Adolesc. 2019 Sep;48(9):1796-1805.

10. Lane R et al. Asian Am J Psychol. 2016;7(2):120-8.

11. Nath SR et al. Asian Am J Psychol. 2018;9(4):334-343.

12. Robertson HA et al. J Immigr Minor Health. 2016 Jul 31;18(4):921-7.
 

Mr. Kaleka is a medical student in the class of 2021 at Central Michigan University (CMU) College of Medicine, Mt. Pleasant. He has no disclosures. Mr. Kaleka would like to thank his mentor, Furhut Janssen, DO, for her continued guidance and support in research on mental health in immigrant populations.

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