User login
Researcher revisits ‘03 guidance on monkeypox in pregnant women
In creating a guide about monkeypox for ob.gyns., Denise J. Jamieson, MD, MPH, turned to research she relied on during another outbreak of the disease nearly 20 years ago.
Dr. Jamieson, the James Robert McCord Professor and chair of the department of gynecology and obstetrics at Emory Healthcare, Atlanta, had been working for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in 2003 when doctors diagnosed monkeypox in several states.
That year, the virus was mainly transmitted by contact with pet prairie dogs, including in childcare and school settings. Of the approximately 70 suspected and confirmed cases, 55% occurred in female patients, according to one study .
Dr. Jamieson, an obstetrician with a focus on emerging infectious diseases, and colleagues at the agency published a commentary in Obstetrics & Gynecology highlighting the need for physicians to stay up to date with relevant information about the virus.
Fast forward to 2022: Dr. Jamieson – again with coauthors from the CDC – is delivering a similar message in the same journal about the need for clinicians to be prepared for this virus.
“Most ob.gyns. have never seen a case of monkeypox virus infection and may not be aware of testing, treatment, or pre-exposure or postexposure vaccine options,” she and her coauthors wrote in a primer published online.
But if a woman were to contract the virus, her ob.gyn. might well be the first clinician she called. “We are often the first people, the first physicians to see and evaluate women with various symptoms,” Dr. Jamieson said.
To promptly diagnose, treat, and prevent further spread of monkeypox, ob.gyns. need up-to-date information, Dr. Jamieson and colleagues said.
Based on data from related viruses like smallpox, monkeypox may be more severe in pregnant women and entail risk for adverse pregnancy outcomes, Dr. Jamieson said.
Outliers
So far this year, monkeypox has predominantly spread among men who have sex with men. Cases have occurred in women, however, some of whom have required hospitalization.
According to the CDC, as of July 25, 1,373 cases of monkeypox in the United States were in men and 13 in women. The total confirmed case count exceeded 5,800 as of Aug. 1. The agency recently announced that it planned to make the disease a reportable condition.
In the United Kingdom, which has been hit hard by the outbreak, researchers are keeping a close eye on the number of cases in women to assess how the disease is spreading.
At least one case of monkeypox in the United States has occurred in a pregnant woman who delivered. The mother and baby, who received immune globulin as a preventive measure, are doing well, according to health officials.
“We know that infection can occur through placental transfer. In the case that we are aware of presently, it does not appear that the virus was transmitted,” said John T. Brooks, MD, the CDC’s chief medical officer in the division of HIV prevention, on a July 23 call with clinicians.
While monkeypox can be transmitted in utero and during sexual activity, it also can spread through any close contact with skin lesions or body fluids and possibly through touching contaminated items like clothing or linens, according to the CDC.
A preferred vaccine and antiviral in pregnancy
One monkeypox vaccine, Jynneos, is preferred for use during pregnancy, while another, ACAM2000, is contraindicated, the CDC advises.
Jynneos can be offered to people who are pregnant or breastfeeding who are eligible for vaccination based on confirmed or likely contact with cases, ideally within 4 days of exposure. People at high risk for exposure, such as laboratory workers, may receive the vaccine in advance.
Developmental toxicity studies in animals showed no evidence of harm with the Jynneos vaccine, Dr. Jamieson said.
ACAM2000, however, can cause fetal vaccinia and should not be used in people who are pregnant or breastfeeding, according to the CDC.
The Society for Maternal-Fetal Medicine notes that, if treatment for monkeypox is warranted, tecovirimat should be considered the first-line antiviral for pregnant, recently pregnant, and breastfeeding people, in line with CDC guidance.
Current outbreak ‘very different,’ but lessons apply
In 2003, some women exposed to monkeypox through contact with infected prairie dogs were pregnant – which is how Dr. Jamieson came to be involved in responding to the outbreak and studying the effects of the virus in pregnancy.
“When this resurfaced this year, of course it caught my attention,” Dr. Jamieson said. The extensive person-to-person transmission and far greater number of cases today make the current outbreak “very different” from the prior one, she said.
But key principles in managing the disease and understanding its potential risks in pregnancy – despite relatively limited information – remain the same.
“Whenever you are looking at an infectious disease, you want to think about, are pregnant persons more susceptible or more likely to have severe disease,” Dr. Jamieson said. Smallpox, a similar orthopoxvirus, “is more severe during pregnancy with a higher case fatality rate,” which is one reason for concern with monkeypox in this population.
In terms of pregnancy outcomes, researchers have data from only a handful of confirmed cases of monkeypox, which makes it difficult to draw conclusions, Dr. Jamieson said. A review of five cases from outside the United States in prior years found that three resulted in loss of the pregnancy. One resulted in preterm delivery of an infant who subsequently died. One child was apparently healthy and born at term.
Addition to the differential diagnosis
A separate team of researchers has proposed a clinical management algorithm for pregnant women with suspected exposure to monkeypox.
“Clinicians must maintain a high index of suspicion for monkeypox virus in any pregnant woman presenting with lymphadenopathy and vesiculopustular rash – including rash localized to the genital or perianal region – even if there are no apparent epidemiological links,” Pradip Dashraath, MBBS, National University Hospital, Singapore, and coauthors wrote in The Lancet.
Jamieson echoed the call for increased vigilance.
“As ob.gyns., people may present to us with genital lesions concerning for sexually transmitted infection. And it is important to include monkeypox in our differential,” Dr. Jamieson said. “We are trying to get the word out that it needs to be part of what you think about when you see a patient with genital ulcers.”
Health care professionals have acquired monkeypox through contact with patients or fomites, so clinicians should be sure to use appropriate precautions when evaluating patients who might have monkeypox, Dr. Jamieson added. Appropriate protective measures include wearing a gown, gloves, eye protection, and an N95.
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.
In creating a guide about monkeypox for ob.gyns., Denise J. Jamieson, MD, MPH, turned to research she relied on during another outbreak of the disease nearly 20 years ago.
Dr. Jamieson, the James Robert McCord Professor and chair of the department of gynecology and obstetrics at Emory Healthcare, Atlanta, had been working for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in 2003 when doctors diagnosed monkeypox in several states.
That year, the virus was mainly transmitted by contact with pet prairie dogs, including in childcare and school settings. Of the approximately 70 suspected and confirmed cases, 55% occurred in female patients, according to one study .
Dr. Jamieson, an obstetrician with a focus on emerging infectious diseases, and colleagues at the agency published a commentary in Obstetrics & Gynecology highlighting the need for physicians to stay up to date with relevant information about the virus.
Fast forward to 2022: Dr. Jamieson – again with coauthors from the CDC – is delivering a similar message in the same journal about the need for clinicians to be prepared for this virus.
“Most ob.gyns. have never seen a case of monkeypox virus infection and may not be aware of testing, treatment, or pre-exposure or postexposure vaccine options,” she and her coauthors wrote in a primer published online.
But if a woman were to contract the virus, her ob.gyn. might well be the first clinician she called. “We are often the first people, the first physicians to see and evaluate women with various symptoms,” Dr. Jamieson said.
To promptly diagnose, treat, and prevent further spread of monkeypox, ob.gyns. need up-to-date information, Dr. Jamieson and colleagues said.
Based on data from related viruses like smallpox, monkeypox may be more severe in pregnant women and entail risk for adverse pregnancy outcomes, Dr. Jamieson said.
Outliers
So far this year, monkeypox has predominantly spread among men who have sex with men. Cases have occurred in women, however, some of whom have required hospitalization.
According to the CDC, as of July 25, 1,373 cases of monkeypox in the United States were in men and 13 in women. The total confirmed case count exceeded 5,800 as of Aug. 1. The agency recently announced that it planned to make the disease a reportable condition.
In the United Kingdom, which has been hit hard by the outbreak, researchers are keeping a close eye on the number of cases in women to assess how the disease is spreading.
At least one case of monkeypox in the United States has occurred in a pregnant woman who delivered. The mother and baby, who received immune globulin as a preventive measure, are doing well, according to health officials.
“We know that infection can occur through placental transfer. In the case that we are aware of presently, it does not appear that the virus was transmitted,” said John T. Brooks, MD, the CDC’s chief medical officer in the division of HIV prevention, on a July 23 call with clinicians.
While monkeypox can be transmitted in utero and during sexual activity, it also can spread through any close contact with skin lesions or body fluids and possibly through touching contaminated items like clothing or linens, according to the CDC.
A preferred vaccine and antiviral in pregnancy
One monkeypox vaccine, Jynneos, is preferred for use during pregnancy, while another, ACAM2000, is contraindicated, the CDC advises.
Jynneos can be offered to people who are pregnant or breastfeeding who are eligible for vaccination based on confirmed or likely contact with cases, ideally within 4 days of exposure. People at high risk for exposure, such as laboratory workers, may receive the vaccine in advance.
Developmental toxicity studies in animals showed no evidence of harm with the Jynneos vaccine, Dr. Jamieson said.
ACAM2000, however, can cause fetal vaccinia and should not be used in people who are pregnant or breastfeeding, according to the CDC.
The Society for Maternal-Fetal Medicine notes that, if treatment for monkeypox is warranted, tecovirimat should be considered the first-line antiviral for pregnant, recently pregnant, and breastfeeding people, in line with CDC guidance.
Current outbreak ‘very different,’ but lessons apply
In 2003, some women exposed to monkeypox through contact with infected prairie dogs were pregnant – which is how Dr. Jamieson came to be involved in responding to the outbreak and studying the effects of the virus in pregnancy.
“When this resurfaced this year, of course it caught my attention,” Dr. Jamieson said. The extensive person-to-person transmission and far greater number of cases today make the current outbreak “very different” from the prior one, she said.
But key principles in managing the disease and understanding its potential risks in pregnancy – despite relatively limited information – remain the same.
“Whenever you are looking at an infectious disease, you want to think about, are pregnant persons more susceptible or more likely to have severe disease,” Dr. Jamieson said. Smallpox, a similar orthopoxvirus, “is more severe during pregnancy with a higher case fatality rate,” which is one reason for concern with monkeypox in this population.
In terms of pregnancy outcomes, researchers have data from only a handful of confirmed cases of monkeypox, which makes it difficult to draw conclusions, Dr. Jamieson said. A review of five cases from outside the United States in prior years found that three resulted in loss of the pregnancy. One resulted in preterm delivery of an infant who subsequently died. One child was apparently healthy and born at term.
Addition to the differential diagnosis
A separate team of researchers has proposed a clinical management algorithm for pregnant women with suspected exposure to monkeypox.
“Clinicians must maintain a high index of suspicion for monkeypox virus in any pregnant woman presenting with lymphadenopathy and vesiculopustular rash – including rash localized to the genital or perianal region – even if there are no apparent epidemiological links,” Pradip Dashraath, MBBS, National University Hospital, Singapore, and coauthors wrote in The Lancet.
Jamieson echoed the call for increased vigilance.
“As ob.gyns., people may present to us with genital lesions concerning for sexually transmitted infection. And it is important to include monkeypox in our differential,” Dr. Jamieson said. “We are trying to get the word out that it needs to be part of what you think about when you see a patient with genital ulcers.”
Health care professionals have acquired monkeypox through contact with patients or fomites, so clinicians should be sure to use appropriate precautions when evaluating patients who might have monkeypox, Dr. Jamieson added. Appropriate protective measures include wearing a gown, gloves, eye protection, and an N95.
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.
In creating a guide about monkeypox for ob.gyns., Denise J. Jamieson, MD, MPH, turned to research she relied on during another outbreak of the disease nearly 20 years ago.
Dr. Jamieson, the James Robert McCord Professor and chair of the department of gynecology and obstetrics at Emory Healthcare, Atlanta, had been working for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in 2003 when doctors diagnosed monkeypox in several states.
That year, the virus was mainly transmitted by contact with pet prairie dogs, including in childcare and school settings. Of the approximately 70 suspected and confirmed cases, 55% occurred in female patients, according to one study .
Dr. Jamieson, an obstetrician with a focus on emerging infectious diseases, and colleagues at the agency published a commentary in Obstetrics & Gynecology highlighting the need for physicians to stay up to date with relevant information about the virus.
Fast forward to 2022: Dr. Jamieson – again with coauthors from the CDC – is delivering a similar message in the same journal about the need for clinicians to be prepared for this virus.
“Most ob.gyns. have never seen a case of monkeypox virus infection and may not be aware of testing, treatment, or pre-exposure or postexposure vaccine options,” she and her coauthors wrote in a primer published online.
But if a woman were to contract the virus, her ob.gyn. might well be the first clinician she called. “We are often the first people, the first physicians to see and evaluate women with various symptoms,” Dr. Jamieson said.
To promptly diagnose, treat, and prevent further spread of monkeypox, ob.gyns. need up-to-date information, Dr. Jamieson and colleagues said.
Based on data from related viruses like smallpox, monkeypox may be more severe in pregnant women and entail risk for adverse pregnancy outcomes, Dr. Jamieson said.
Outliers
So far this year, monkeypox has predominantly spread among men who have sex with men. Cases have occurred in women, however, some of whom have required hospitalization.
According to the CDC, as of July 25, 1,373 cases of monkeypox in the United States were in men and 13 in women. The total confirmed case count exceeded 5,800 as of Aug. 1. The agency recently announced that it planned to make the disease a reportable condition.
In the United Kingdom, which has been hit hard by the outbreak, researchers are keeping a close eye on the number of cases in women to assess how the disease is spreading.
At least one case of monkeypox in the United States has occurred in a pregnant woman who delivered. The mother and baby, who received immune globulin as a preventive measure, are doing well, according to health officials.
“We know that infection can occur through placental transfer. In the case that we are aware of presently, it does not appear that the virus was transmitted,” said John T. Brooks, MD, the CDC’s chief medical officer in the division of HIV prevention, on a July 23 call with clinicians.
While monkeypox can be transmitted in utero and during sexual activity, it also can spread through any close contact with skin lesions or body fluids and possibly through touching contaminated items like clothing or linens, according to the CDC.
A preferred vaccine and antiviral in pregnancy
One monkeypox vaccine, Jynneos, is preferred for use during pregnancy, while another, ACAM2000, is contraindicated, the CDC advises.
Jynneos can be offered to people who are pregnant or breastfeeding who are eligible for vaccination based on confirmed or likely contact with cases, ideally within 4 days of exposure. People at high risk for exposure, such as laboratory workers, may receive the vaccine in advance.
Developmental toxicity studies in animals showed no evidence of harm with the Jynneos vaccine, Dr. Jamieson said.
ACAM2000, however, can cause fetal vaccinia and should not be used in people who are pregnant or breastfeeding, according to the CDC.
The Society for Maternal-Fetal Medicine notes that, if treatment for monkeypox is warranted, tecovirimat should be considered the first-line antiviral for pregnant, recently pregnant, and breastfeeding people, in line with CDC guidance.
Current outbreak ‘very different,’ but lessons apply
In 2003, some women exposed to monkeypox through contact with infected prairie dogs were pregnant – which is how Dr. Jamieson came to be involved in responding to the outbreak and studying the effects of the virus in pregnancy.
“When this resurfaced this year, of course it caught my attention,” Dr. Jamieson said. The extensive person-to-person transmission and far greater number of cases today make the current outbreak “very different” from the prior one, she said.
But key principles in managing the disease and understanding its potential risks in pregnancy – despite relatively limited information – remain the same.
“Whenever you are looking at an infectious disease, you want to think about, are pregnant persons more susceptible or more likely to have severe disease,” Dr. Jamieson said. Smallpox, a similar orthopoxvirus, “is more severe during pregnancy with a higher case fatality rate,” which is one reason for concern with monkeypox in this population.
In terms of pregnancy outcomes, researchers have data from only a handful of confirmed cases of monkeypox, which makes it difficult to draw conclusions, Dr. Jamieson said. A review of five cases from outside the United States in prior years found that three resulted in loss of the pregnancy. One resulted in preterm delivery of an infant who subsequently died. One child was apparently healthy and born at term.
Addition to the differential diagnosis
A separate team of researchers has proposed a clinical management algorithm for pregnant women with suspected exposure to monkeypox.
“Clinicians must maintain a high index of suspicion for monkeypox virus in any pregnant woman presenting with lymphadenopathy and vesiculopustular rash – including rash localized to the genital or perianal region – even if there are no apparent epidemiological links,” Pradip Dashraath, MBBS, National University Hospital, Singapore, and coauthors wrote in The Lancet.
Jamieson echoed the call for increased vigilance.
“As ob.gyns., people may present to us with genital lesions concerning for sexually transmitted infection. And it is important to include monkeypox in our differential,” Dr. Jamieson said. “We are trying to get the word out that it needs to be part of what you think about when you see a patient with genital ulcers.”
Health care professionals have acquired monkeypox through contact with patients or fomites, so clinicians should be sure to use appropriate precautions when evaluating patients who might have monkeypox, Dr. Jamieson added. Appropriate protective measures include wearing a gown, gloves, eye protection, and an N95.
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.
FROM OBSTETRICS AND GYNECOLOGY
How doctors are weighing the legal risks of abortion care
The names of the doctors in this story have been changed at their request because of fear of legal repercussions and/or professional retaliation.
When an Ohio ob.gyn. had a patient in need of an abortion in July 2022, he knew he had to move quickly.
Daniel, who also sees patients at an abortion clinic, was treating a woman who came in for an abortion around 5 weeks into her pregnancy. And after going through the mandatory waiting periods, the required ultrasounds at each appointment, the consent process, and the options counseling, she was set for a surgical abortion the following Monday.
But on Monday, pre-op tests showed that her blood pressure was very high, posing a serious health risk if Daniel proceeded with the surgery.
Before the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in June, Daniel would have sent the patient home with instructions on how to lower her blood pressure over time. But the patient now had just four days to show the necessary improvement.
In this case, everything worked out. The patient returned Thursday and was able to have the procedure. But this is just one of the many day-to-day medical decisions abortion providers are now having to make with the changing legal risks being as top-of-mind to doctors as the safety of their patients.
Daniel said he doesn’t want the Ohio abortion law to change the way he communicates with his patients. As far as he knows, it’s still legal to talk to patients about self-managed abortions, as long as everything is unbiased and clearly stated, he says.
“But I don’t think I would get a lot of institutional support to have those conversations with patients because of the perceived legal liability,” says Daniel. “I will still have those conversations, but I’m not going to tell my employer that I’m having them and I’m not going to document them in the chart.”
Daniel is aware that having these kinds of discussions, or entertaining the possibility of omitting certain information from patient records, runs the risk of legal and professional consequences. Enforcement of these rules is foggy, too.
Under the Ohio law, if a fellow staff member suspects you of violating a law, you could be reported to a supervisor or licensing body. Abortion providers are aware they must be cautious about what they say because anti-abortion activitists, posing as patients, have secretly recorded conversations in the past, Daniel says.
Enforcement: The past, present, and future legal risks
Before Roe, enforcement of illegal abortion was spotty, says Mary Ziegler, JD, a professor at Florida State University College of Law, who specializes in the legal history of reproductive rights. At the start of the late 19th century, the doctors who provided illegal abortions would, in most cases, be prosecuted if a patient died as a result of the procedure.
A doctor in Ashland, Pa., named Robert Spencer was known for providing abortions in the small mining town where he practiced in the 1920s. He was reportedly arrested three times – once after a patient died as a result of abortion complications – but was ultimately acquitted.
For many doctors performing abortions at the time, “it was very much a kind of roll of the dice,” Ms. Ziegler says. “There was a sense that these laws were not enforced very much.”
Carole Joffe, PhD, a sociologist with expertise in reproductive health, recalls that there were very few doctors arrested, given the sheer number of abortions that were performed. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists estimates that, in the years leading up to the original Roe decision, about 1.2 million women in the U.S. had illegal abortions – a number that exceeds today’s estimates.
Among the most notable cases of a doctor being detained was the arrest of gynecologist Jane Hodgson, MD, in 1970. Dr. Hodgson intentionally violated Minnesota law, which prohibited all abortions except in cases that were life-threatening to the patient.
After performing an abortion on a patient who had contracted rubella, also known as German measles, Dr. Hodgson was arrested, sentenced to 30 days in jail, and put on a year-long probation. She did not end up serving any time in jail, and her conviction was overturned after the Roe decision in 1973.
Now, the abortion restrictions being passed in many states have authorized much more sweeping penalties than those that existed in the pre-Roe era. According to Joffe, there is one key reason why we can anticipate more doctor arrests now.
“There simply was not the modern anti-abortion movement that we have come to know,” she says. “In the old days, there was not that much legal surveillance, and things were very unsafe. Fast forward to the present, we have much safer options now – like medication abortion pills – but we have a very different legal environment.”
Carmel Shachar, JD, MPH, a law and health policy expert at Harvard Law School, also expects that we will see more frequent prosecutions of doctors who provide abortion.
“There’s so much more data available through medical record-keeping and information generated by our phones and internet searches, that I think it would be much harder for a physician to fly under the radar,” Ms. Shachar says.
Also, Ms. Shachar emphasizes the power of prosecutorial discretion in abortion cases, where one prosecutor may choose to apply a law much more aggressively than another prosecutor in the next county over. Such has been seen in DeKalb County, Ga., which includes parts of Atlanta, where District Attorney Sherry Boston says she plans to use her prosecutorial discretion to address crimes like rape and murder, rather than “potentially investigat[ing] women and doctors for medical decisions,” Bloomberg Law reported. State Sen. Jen Jordan, the Democratic nominee for Georgia attorney general, has also said that, if elected, she would not enforce the state’s new 6-week abortion ban.
Is there a legal path forward for abortion care in states that forbid it?
Robin, an ob.gyn., became a complex family planning fellow in Utah to seek out further medical training and education in abortion care. Her plan was to solidify this as an area of expertise, so that, upon completing her fellowship, she could move back to her home state of Arizona to provide services there.
In Utah, where she currently practices, abortion is banned after 18 weeks. In Arizona, abortion is still allowed up to 24-26 weeks, until a pregnancy reaches “viability” (when a fetus is developed enough that it is able to survive outside the uterus with medical assistance). But new restrictions in Arizona may go into effect as early as September which would prohibit abortions after 15 weeks.
Despite the uncertain future of abortion access in Arizona, Robin still plans on moving there after her fellowship, but she hopes to travel to surrounding states to help provide abortion care where it’s less restricted. Even if she isn’t able to provide abortions at all, she says that there are still ways to help patients get safe, above-board abortions so as not to repeat the dangerous and often gruesome outcomes of self-induced abortions or those done by illegitimate practitioners before Roe.
“One of the roles that I think I can have as a physician is helping people with wraparound care for self-managed abortion,” says Robin. “If they can get the [abortion] pills online, then I can do the ultrasound beforehand, I can do the ultrasound after, I can talk them through it. I can help them with all the aspects of this care, I just can’t give them the pills myself.”
Whether a doctor can be penalized for “aiding and abetting” abortions that happen in different states remains an open question. In Texas, for example, Senate Bill 8 – which took effect Sept. 1, 2021 – not only established a fetal heartbeat law but added language that would allow private citizens to sue anyone who “knowingly engages in conduct that aids or abets the performance or inducement of an abortion” or anyone who even intends to do so.
That’s what happened to Alan Braid, MD, an ob.gyn. based in San Antonio. He confessed in a Washington Post op-ed that he had performed an abortion after cardiac activity had been detected in the pregnancy. Aware of the legal risks, he has since been sued by three people, and those cases are still underway.
But Ms. Ziegler says the chances of a doctor from a progressive state actually getting extradited and prosecuted by a state with restrictive abortion laws is pretty low – not zero, but low.
Like Robin, Natalie – an ob.gyn. in her early 30s – is a complex family planning fellow in Massachusetts. After her fellowship, she wants to return to Texas, where she completed her residency training.
“I’m at the point in my training where everyone starts looking for jobs and figuring out their next steps,” says Natalie. “The Dobbs decision introduced a ton of chaos due to the vagueness in the laws and how they get enforced, and then there’s chaos within institutions themselves and what kind of risk tolerance they have.”
Looking towards her future career path, Natalie says that she would not consider a job at an institution that didn’t allow her to teach abortion care to students, speak publicly about abortion rights, or let her travel outside of Texas to continue providing abortion care. She’s also preemptively seeking legal counsel and general guidance – advice that Ms. Ziegler strongly urges doctors to heed, sooner rather than later.
In states that have strict abortion bans with exceptions for life-threatening cases, there is still a lack of clarity around what is actually considered life-threatening enough to pass as an exception.
“Is it life-threatening in the next 6 hours? 24 hours? Seven days? One month?” Robin asks. “In medicine, we don’t necessarily talk about if something is life-threatening or not, we just say that there’s a high risk of X thing happening in X period of time. What’s the threshold at which that meets legal criteria? Nobody has an answer for that.”
Robin explains that, in her patients who have cancer, a pregnancy wouldn’t “necessarily kill them within the span of the next 9 months, but it could certainly accelerate their disease that could kill them within the next year or two.”
Right now, she says she doesn’t know what she would do if and when she is put in that position as a doctor.
“I didn’t go to medical school and become a doctor to become a felon,” says Robin. “Our goal is to make as many legal changes as we can to protect our patients and then practice as much harm reduction and as much care as we can within the letter of the law.”
A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.
The names of the doctors in this story have been changed at their request because of fear of legal repercussions and/or professional retaliation.
When an Ohio ob.gyn. had a patient in need of an abortion in July 2022, he knew he had to move quickly.
Daniel, who also sees patients at an abortion clinic, was treating a woman who came in for an abortion around 5 weeks into her pregnancy. And after going through the mandatory waiting periods, the required ultrasounds at each appointment, the consent process, and the options counseling, she was set for a surgical abortion the following Monday.
But on Monday, pre-op tests showed that her blood pressure was very high, posing a serious health risk if Daniel proceeded with the surgery.
Before the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in June, Daniel would have sent the patient home with instructions on how to lower her blood pressure over time. But the patient now had just four days to show the necessary improvement.
In this case, everything worked out. The patient returned Thursday and was able to have the procedure. But this is just one of the many day-to-day medical decisions abortion providers are now having to make with the changing legal risks being as top-of-mind to doctors as the safety of their patients.
Daniel said he doesn’t want the Ohio abortion law to change the way he communicates with his patients. As far as he knows, it’s still legal to talk to patients about self-managed abortions, as long as everything is unbiased and clearly stated, he says.
“But I don’t think I would get a lot of institutional support to have those conversations with patients because of the perceived legal liability,” says Daniel. “I will still have those conversations, but I’m not going to tell my employer that I’m having them and I’m not going to document them in the chart.”
Daniel is aware that having these kinds of discussions, or entertaining the possibility of omitting certain information from patient records, runs the risk of legal and professional consequences. Enforcement of these rules is foggy, too.
Under the Ohio law, if a fellow staff member suspects you of violating a law, you could be reported to a supervisor or licensing body. Abortion providers are aware they must be cautious about what they say because anti-abortion activitists, posing as patients, have secretly recorded conversations in the past, Daniel says.
Enforcement: The past, present, and future legal risks
Before Roe, enforcement of illegal abortion was spotty, says Mary Ziegler, JD, a professor at Florida State University College of Law, who specializes in the legal history of reproductive rights. At the start of the late 19th century, the doctors who provided illegal abortions would, in most cases, be prosecuted if a patient died as a result of the procedure.
A doctor in Ashland, Pa., named Robert Spencer was known for providing abortions in the small mining town where he practiced in the 1920s. He was reportedly arrested three times – once after a patient died as a result of abortion complications – but was ultimately acquitted.
For many doctors performing abortions at the time, “it was very much a kind of roll of the dice,” Ms. Ziegler says. “There was a sense that these laws were not enforced very much.”
Carole Joffe, PhD, a sociologist with expertise in reproductive health, recalls that there were very few doctors arrested, given the sheer number of abortions that were performed. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists estimates that, in the years leading up to the original Roe decision, about 1.2 million women in the U.S. had illegal abortions – a number that exceeds today’s estimates.
Among the most notable cases of a doctor being detained was the arrest of gynecologist Jane Hodgson, MD, in 1970. Dr. Hodgson intentionally violated Minnesota law, which prohibited all abortions except in cases that were life-threatening to the patient.
After performing an abortion on a patient who had contracted rubella, also known as German measles, Dr. Hodgson was arrested, sentenced to 30 days in jail, and put on a year-long probation. She did not end up serving any time in jail, and her conviction was overturned after the Roe decision in 1973.
Now, the abortion restrictions being passed in many states have authorized much more sweeping penalties than those that existed in the pre-Roe era. According to Joffe, there is one key reason why we can anticipate more doctor arrests now.
“There simply was not the modern anti-abortion movement that we have come to know,” she says. “In the old days, there was not that much legal surveillance, and things were very unsafe. Fast forward to the present, we have much safer options now – like medication abortion pills – but we have a very different legal environment.”
Carmel Shachar, JD, MPH, a law and health policy expert at Harvard Law School, also expects that we will see more frequent prosecutions of doctors who provide abortion.
“There’s so much more data available through medical record-keeping and information generated by our phones and internet searches, that I think it would be much harder for a physician to fly under the radar,” Ms. Shachar says.
Also, Ms. Shachar emphasizes the power of prosecutorial discretion in abortion cases, where one prosecutor may choose to apply a law much more aggressively than another prosecutor in the next county over. Such has been seen in DeKalb County, Ga., which includes parts of Atlanta, where District Attorney Sherry Boston says she plans to use her prosecutorial discretion to address crimes like rape and murder, rather than “potentially investigat[ing] women and doctors for medical decisions,” Bloomberg Law reported. State Sen. Jen Jordan, the Democratic nominee for Georgia attorney general, has also said that, if elected, she would not enforce the state’s new 6-week abortion ban.
Is there a legal path forward for abortion care in states that forbid it?
Robin, an ob.gyn., became a complex family planning fellow in Utah to seek out further medical training and education in abortion care. Her plan was to solidify this as an area of expertise, so that, upon completing her fellowship, she could move back to her home state of Arizona to provide services there.
In Utah, where she currently practices, abortion is banned after 18 weeks. In Arizona, abortion is still allowed up to 24-26 weeks, until a pregnancy reaches “viability” (when a fetus is developed enough that it is able to survive outside the uterus with medical assistance). But new restrictions in Arizona may go into effect as early as September which would prohibit abortions after 15 weeks.
Despite the uncertain future of abortion access in Arizona, Robin still plans on moving there after her fellowship, but she hopes to travel to surrounding states to help provide abortion care where it’s less restricted. Even if she isn’t able to provide abortions at all, she says that there are still ways to help patients get safe, above-board abortions so as not to repeat the dangerous and often gruesome outcomes of self-induced abortions or those done by illegitimate practitioners before Roe.
“One of the roles that I think I can have as a physician is helping people with wraparound care for self-managed abortion,” says Robin. “If they can get the [abortion] pills online, then I can do the ultrasound beforehand, I can do the ultrasound after, I can talk them through it. I can help them with all the aspects of this care, I just can’t give them the pills myself.”
Whether a doctor can be penalized for “aiding and abetting” abortions that happen in different states remains an open question. In Texas, for example, Senate Bill 8 – which took effect Sept. 1, 2021 – not only established a fetal heartbeat law but added language that would allow private citizens to sue anyone who “knowingly engages in conduct that aids or abets the performance or inducement of an abortion” or anyone who even intends to do so.
That’s what happened to Alan Braid, MD, an ob.gyn. based in San Antonio. He confessed in a Washington Post op-ed that he had performed an abortion after cardiac activity had been detected in the pregnancy. Aware of the legal risks, he has since been sued by three people, and those cases are still underway.
But Ms. Ziegler says the chances of a doctor from a progressive state actually getting extradited and prosecuted by a state with restrictive abortion laws is pretty low – not zero, but low.
Like Robin, Natalie – an ob.gyn. in her early 30s – is a complex family planning fellow in Massachusetts. After her fellowship, she wants to return to Texas, where she completed her residency training.
“I’m at the point in my training where everyone starts looking for jobs and figuring out their next steps,” says Natalie. “The Dobbs decision introduced a ton of chaos due to the vagueness in the laws and how they get enforced, and then there’s chaos within institutions themselves and what kind of risk tolerance they have.”
Looking towards her future career path, Natalie says that she would not consider a job at an institution that didn’t allow her to teach abortion care to students, speak publicly about abortion rights, or let her travel outside of Texas to continue providing abortion care. She’s also preemptively seeking legal counsel and general guidance – advice that Ms. Ziegler strongly urges doctors to heed, sooner rather than later.
In states that have strict abortion bans with exceptions for life-threatening cases, there is still a lack of clarity around what is actually considered life-threatening enough to pass as an exception.
“Is it life-threatening in the next 6 hours? 24 hours? Seven days? One month?” Robin asks. “In medicine, we don’t necessarily talk about if something is life-threatening or not, we just say that there’s a high risk of X thing happening in X period of time. What’s the threshold at which that meets legal criteria? Nobody has an answer for that.”
Robin explains that, in her patients who have cancer, a pregnancy wouldn’t “necessarily kill them within the span of the next 9 months, but it could certainly accelerate their disease that could kill them within the next year or two.”
Right now, she says she doesn’t know what she would do if and when she is put in that position as a doctor.
“I didn’t go to medical school and become a doctor to become a felon,” says Robin. “Our goal is to make as many legal changes as we can to protect our patients and then practice as much harm reduction and as much care as we can within the letter of the law.”
A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.
The names of the doctors in this story have been changed at their request because of fear of legal repercussions and/or professional retaliation.
When an Ohio ob.gyn. had a patient in need of an abortion in July 2022, he knew he had to move quickly.
Daniel, who also sees patients at an abortion clinic, was treating a woman who came in for an abortion around 5 weeks into her pregnancy. And after going through the mandatory waiting periods, the required ultrasounds at each appointment, the consent process, and the options counseling, she was set for a surgical abortion the following Monday.
But on Monday, pre-op tests showed that her blood pressure was very high, posing a serious health risk if Daniel proceeded with the surgery.
Before the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in June, Daniel would have sent the patient home with instructions on how to lower her blood pressure over time. But the patient now had just four days to show the necessary improvement.
In this case, everything worked out. The patient returned Thursday and was able to have the procedure. But this is just one of the many day-to-day medical decisions abortion providers are now having to make with the changing legal risks being as top-of-mind to doctors as the safety of their patients.
Daniel said he doesn’t want the Ohio abortion law to change the way he communicates with his patients. As far as he knows, it’s still legal to talk to patients about self-managed abortions, as long as everything is unbiased and clearly stated, he says.
“But I don’t think I would get a lot of institutional support to have those conversations with patients because of the perceived legal liability,” says Daniel. “I will still have those conversations, but I’m not going to tell my employer that I’m having them and I’m not going to document them in the chart.”
Daniel is aware that having these kinds of discussions, or entertaining the possibility of omitting certain information from patient records, runs the risk of legal and professional consequences. Enforcement of these rules is foggy, too.
Under the Ohio law, if a fellow staff member suspects you of violating a law, you could be reported to a supervisor or licensing body. Abortion providers are aware they must be cautious about what they say because anti-abortion activitists, posing as patients, have secretly recorded conversations in the past, Daniel says.
Enforcement: The past, present, and future legal risks
Before Roe, enforcement of illegal abortion was spotty, says Mary Ziegler, JD, a professor at Florida State University College of Law, who specializes in the legal history of reproductive rights. At the start of the late 19th century, the doctors who provided illegal abortions would, in most cases, be prosecuted if a patient died as a result of the procedure.
A doctor in Ashland, Pa., named Robert Spencer was known for providing abortions in the small mining town where he practiced in the 1920s. He was reportedly arrested three times – once after a patient died as a result of abortion complications – but was ultimately acquitted.
For many doctors performing abortions at the time, “it was very much a kind of roll of the dice,” Ms. Ziegler says. “There was a sense that these laws were not enforced very much.”
Carole Joffe, PhD, a sociologist with expertise in reproductive health, recalls that there were very few doctors arrested, given the sheer number of abortions that were performed. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists estimates that, in the years leading up to the original Roe decision, about 1.2 million women in the U.S. had illegal abortions – a number that exceeds today’s estimates.
Among the most notable cases of a doctor being detained was the arrest of gynecologist Jane Hodgson, MD, in 1970. Dr. Hodgson intentionally violated Minnesota law, which prohibited all abortions except in cases that were life-threatening to the patient.
After performing an abortion on a patient who had contracted rubella, also known as German measles, Dr. Hodgson was arrested, sentenced to 30 days in jail, and put on a year-long probation. She did not end up serving any time in jail, and her conviction was overturned after the Roe decision in 1973.
Now, the abortion restrictions being passed in many states have authorized much more sweeping penalties than those that existed in the pre-Roe era. According to Joffe, there is one key reason why we can anticipate more doctor arrests now.
“There simply was not the modern anti-abortion movement that we have come to know,” she says. “In the old days, there was not that much legal surveillance, and things were very unsafe. Fast forward to the present, we have much safer options now – like medication abortion pills – but we have a very different legal environment.”
Carmel Shachar, JD, MPH, a law and health policy expert at Harvard Law School, also expects that we will see more frequent prosecutions of doctors who provide abortion.
“There’s so much more data available through medical record-keeping and information generated by our phones and internet searches, that I think it would be much harder for a physician to fly under the radar,” Ms. Shachar says.
Also, Ms. Shachar emphasizes the power of prosecutorial discretion in abortion cases, where one prosecutor may choose to apply a law much more aggressively than another prosecutor in the next county over. Such has been seen in DeKalb County, Ga., which includes parts of Atlanta, where District Attorney Sherry Boston says she plans to use her prosecutorial discretion to address crimes like rape and murder, rather than “potentially investigat[ing] women and doctors for medical decisions,” Bloomberg Law reported. State Sen. Jen Jordan, the Democratic nominee for Georgia attorney general, has also said that, if elected, she would not enforce the state’s new 6-week abortion ban.
Is there a legal path forward for abortion care in states that forbid it?
Robin, an ob.gyn., became a complex family planning fellow in Utah to seek out further medical training and education in abortion care. Her plan was to solidify this as an area of expertise, so that, upon completing her fellowship, she could move back to her home state of Arizona to provide services there.
In Utah, where she currently practices, abortion is banned after 18 weeks. In Arizona, abortion is still allowed up to 24-26 weeks, until a pregnancy reaches “viability” (when a fetus is developed enough that it is able to survive outside the uterus with medical assistance). But new restrictions in Arizona may go into effect as early as September which would prohibit abortions after 15 weeks.
Despite the uncertain future of abortion access in Arizona, Robin still plans on moving there after her fellowship, but she hopes to travel to surrounding states to help provide abortion care where it’s less restricted. Even if she isn’t able to provide abortions at all, she says that there are still ways to help patients get safe, above-board abortions so as not to repeat the dangerous and often gruesome outcomes of self-induced abortions or those done by illegitimate practitioners before Roe.
“One of the roles that I think I can have as a physician is helping people with wraparound care for self-managed abortion,” says Robin. “If they can get the [abortion] pills online, then I can do the ultrasound beforehand, I can do the ultrasound after, I can talk them through it. I can help them with all the aspects of this care, I just can’t give them the pills myself.”
Whether a doctor can be penalized for “aiding and abetting” abortions that happen in different states remains an open question. In Texas, for example, Senate Bill 8 – which took effect Sept. 1, 2021 – not only established a fetal heartbeat law but added language that would allow private citizens to sue anyone who “knowingly engages in conduct that aids or abets the performance or inducement of an abortion” or anyone who even intends to do so.
That’s what happened to Alan Braid, MD, an ob.gyn. based in San Antonio. He confessed in a Washington Post op-ed that he had performed an abortion after cardiac activity had been detected in the pregnancy. Aware of the legal risks, he has since been sued by three people, and those cases are still underway.
But Ms. Ziegler says the chances of a doctor from a progressive state actually getting extradited and prosecuted by a state with restrictive abortion laws is pretty low – not zero, but low.
Like Robin, Natalie – an ob.gyn. in her early 30s – is a complex family planning fellow in Massachusetts. After her fellowship, she wants to return to Texas, where she completed her residency training.
“I’m at the point in my training where everyone starts looking for jobs and figuring out their next steps,” says Natalie. “The Dobbs decision introduced a ton of chaos due to the vagueness in the laws and how they get enforced, and then there’s chaos within institutions themselves and what kind of risk tolerance they have.”
Looking towards her future career path, Natalie says that she would not consider a job at an institution that didn’t allow her to teach abortion care to students, speak publicly about abortion rights, or let her travel outside of Texas to continue providing abortion care. She’s also preemptively seeking legal counsel and general guidance – advice that Ms. Ziegler strongly urges doctors to heed, sooner rather than later.
In states that have strict abortion bans with exceptions for life-threatening cases, there is still a lack of clarity around what is actually considered life-threatening enough to pass as an exception.
“Is it life-threatening in the next 6 hours? 24 hours? Seven days? One month?” Robin asks. “In medicine, we don’t necessarily talk about if something is life-threatening or not, we just say that there’s a high risk of X thing happening in X period of time. What’s the threshold at which that meets legal criteria? Nobody has an answer for that.”
Robin explains that, in her patients who have cancer, a pregnancy wouldn’t “necessarily kill them within the span of the next 9 months, but it could certainly accelerate their disease that could kill them within the next year or two.”
Right now, she says she doesn’t know what she would do if and when she is put in that position as a doctor.
“I didn’t go to medical school and become a doctor to become a felon,” says Robin. “Our goal is to make as many legal changes as we can to protect our patients and then practice as much harm reduction and as much care as we can within the letter of the law.”
A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.
Legal abortion is a matter of public health
On June 24, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, a decision that was issued in 1973. From now on, each state will be able to choose the laws that it wants to put in place regarding abortion. Several states have already decided to ban abortion altogether. As a physician, but also as a woman, I am stunned to see this opposition to a right that, in my opinion, is also a matter of public health.
International data
In Belgium, voluntary termination of pregnancy (VTP) has been allowed since 1990. Except in the case of a serious medical problem, the abortion must take place before the end of the 12th week after conception. So, 14 weeks from the last menstrual period (LMP).
Beyond that time frame, a VTP can be performed only when the continuation of the pregnancy endangers the health of the woman or when it is certain that the unborn child will be affected by a condition of particular gravity and recognized as incurable at the time of diagnosis. This is referred to as termination for medical reasons (TFMR).
First observation
The annual number of VTPs did not climb following legalization. For the past 20 years in Belgium, that number has remained stable, hovering around 19,000. Abortion continues to be an action – neither trivialized nor minimized – that is difficult for any woman to take, no matter what her reason.
Second observation
Over 60% of women who had an abortion were using a form of contraception. So, while the burden of contraception still rests almost exclusively on the woman, it cannot be said that those who had a VTP did not use some method of birth control.
Even more important, legal abortions have very few complications, either physical or psychological. Studies show that pregnancy itself carries a higher risk for psychopathological manifestations than a VTP. These VTPs are safe, and women quickly recover from them. The most sensitive time seems to be the period before the abortion, and it’s at this stage that most of the psychological and psychopathological manifestations accumulate. The majority of women facing a VTP experience feelings of relief, and only a minority develop psychological problems, usually when there is already a history of mental disorder. The literature shows that the levels of anxiety and depression decrease in the month following the abortion. Being denied a VTP, on the other hand, significantly increases the woman’s risk of developing a mental disorder.
Should a VTP be denied, a woman, if she determines that she doesn’t have any other choice, may then end up turning to a back-alley abortion. The methods used for this are medieval, dangerous, and may not prove successful – things like using chemicals, piercing the amniotic sac with a needle or sharp object (the famous coat hanger), eating or drinking abortifacient herbs, taking large quantities of medication, punching the stomach, falling down stairs, and engaging in intense physical exercise.
From there, these risky methods inevitably lead to numerous complications: Incomplete abortions, infections, septicemia, breakthrough bleeding, subsequent sterility, laceration of the uterine wall, or death.
Around one-third of women who undergo risky abortions develop complications, while less than half receive care.
The World Health Organization estimates that back-alley abortions represent 49% of abortions worldwide. It puts the number of illegal abortions performed each year at 20 million.
Each year, around 60,000 women worldwide die as a result of an unsafe VTP. That’s one woman every 9 minutes. And odds are that these figures are underestimated.
Making the decision to resort to a VTP is always difficult. Ideally, you should be able to discuss it with your partner, when there is one, and with your close friends and family, to have someone go with you as support, to weigh the pros and cons, and to make a choice in line with your convictions and your conscience. But first and foremost, the law must guarantee the right to be able to ask oneself this question, because guaranteeing this right is also guaranteeing the health and safety of women, and that is why this remains a public health imperative.
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com. This article was translated from MediQuality.
On June 24, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, a decision that was issued in 1973. From now on, each state will be able to choose the laws that it wants to put in place regarding abortion. Several states have already decided to ban abortion altogether. As a physician, but also as a woman, I am stunned to see this opposition to a right that, in my opinion, is also a matter of public health.
International data
In Belgium, voluntary termination of pregnancy (VTP) has been allowed since 1990. Except in the case of a serious medical problem, the abortion must take place before the end of the 12th week after conception. So, 14 weeks from the last menstrual period (LMP).
Beyond that time frame, a VTP can be performed only when the continuation of the pregnancy endangers the health of the woman or when it is certain that the unborn child will be affected by a condition of particular gravity and recognized as incurable at the time of diagnosis. This is referred to as termination for medical reasons (TFMR).
First observation
The annual number of VTPs did not climb following legalization. For the past 20 years in Belgium, that number has remained stable, hovering around 19,000. Abortion continues to be an action – neither trivialized nor minimized – that is difficult for any woman to take, no matter what her reason.
Second observation
Over 60% of women who had an abortion were using a form of contraception. So, while the burden of contraception still rests almost exclusively on the woman, it cannot be said that those who had a VTP did not use some method of birth control.
Even more important, legal abortions have very few complications, either physical or psychological. Studies show that pregnancy itself carries a higher risk for psychopathological manifestations than a VTP. These VTPs are safe, and women quickly recover from them. The most sensitive time seems to be the period before the abortion, and it’s at this stage that most of the psychological and psychopathological manifestations accumulate. The majority of women facing a VTP experience feelings of relief, and only a minority develop psychological problems, usually when there is already a history of mental disorder. The literature shows that the levels of anxiety and depression decrease in the month following the abortion. Being denied a VTP, on the other hand, significantly increases the woman’s risk of developing a mental disorder.
Should a VTP be denied, a woman, if she determines that she doesn’t have any other choice, may then end up turning to a back-alley abortion. The methods used for this are medieval, dangerous, and may not prove successful – things like using chemicals, piercing the amniotic sac with a needle or sharp object (the famous coat hanger), eating or drinking abortifacient herbs, taking large quantities of medication, punching the stomach, falling down stairs, and engaging in intense physical exercise.
From there, these risky methods inevitably lead to numerous complications: Incomplete abortions, infections, septicemia, breakthrough bleeding, subsequent sterility, laceration of the uterine wall, or death.
Around one-third of women who undergo risky abortions develop complications, while less than half receive care.
The World Health Organization estimates that back-alley abortions represent 49% of abortions worldwide. It puts the number of illegal abortions performed each year at 20 million.
Each year, around 60,000 women worldwide die as a result of an unsafe VTP. That’s one woman every 9 minutes. And odds are that these figures are underestimated.
Making the decision to resort to a VTP is always difficult. Ideally, you should be able to discuss it with your partner, when there is one, and with your close friends and family, to have someone go with you as support, to weigh the pros and cons, and to make a choice in line with your convictions and your conscience. But first and foremost, the law must guarantee the right to be able to ask oneself this question, because guaranteeing this right is also guaranteeing the health and safety of women, and that is why this remains a public health imperative.
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com. This article was translated from MediQuality.
On June 24, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, a decision that was issued in 1973. From now on, each state will be able to choose the laws that it wants to put in place regarding abortion. Several states have already decided to ban abortion altogether. As a physician, but also as a woman, I am stunned to see this opposition to a right that, in my opinion, is also a matter of public health.
International data
In Belgium, voluntary termination of pregnancy (VTP) has been allowed since 1990. Except in the case of a serious medical problem, the abortion must take place before the end of the 12th week after conception. So, 14 weeks from the last menstrual period (LMP).
Beyond that time frame, a VTP can be performed only when the continuation of the pregnancy endangers the health of the woman or when it is certain that the unborn child will be affected by a condition of particular gravity and recognized as incurable at the time of diagnosis. This is referred to as termination for medical reasons (TFMR).
First observation
The annual number of VTPs did not climb following legalization. For the past 20 years in Belgium, that number has remained stable, hovering around 19,000. Abortion continues to be an action – neither trivialized nor minimized – that is difficult for any woman to take, no matter what her reason.
Second observation
Over 60% of women who had an abortion were using a form of contraception. So, while the burden of contraception still rests almost exclusively on the woman, it cannot be said that those who had a VTP did not use some method of birth control.
Even more important, legal abortions have very few complications, either physical or psychological. Studies show that pregnancy itself carries a higher risk for psychopathological manifestations than a VTP. These VTPs are safe, and women quickly recover from them. The most sensitive time seems to be the period before the abortion, and it’s at this stage that most of the psychological and psychopathological manifestations accumulate. The majority of women facing a VTP experience feelings of relief, and only a minority develop psychological problems, usually when there is already a history of mental disorder. The literature shows that the levels of anxiety and depression decrease in the month following the abortion. Being denied a VTP, on the other hand, significantly increases the woman’s risk of developing a mental disorder.
Should a VTP be denied, a woman, if she determines that she doesn’t have any other choice, may then end up turning to a back-alley abortion. The methods used for this are medieval, dangerous, and may not prove successful – things like using chemicals, piercing the amniotic sac with a needle or sharp object (the famous coat hanger), eating or drinking abortifacient herbs, taking large quantities of medication, punching the stomach, falling down stairs, and engaging in intense physical exercise.
From there, these risky methods inevitably lead to numerous complications: Incomplete abortions, infections, septicemia, breakthrough bleeding, subsequent sterility, laceration of the uterine wall, or death.
Around one-third of women who undergo risky abortions develop complications, while less than half receive care.
The World Health Organization estimates that back-alley abortions represent 49% of abortions worldwide. It puts the number of illegal abortions performed each year at 20 million.
Each year, around 60,000 women worldwide die as a result of an unsafe VTP. That’s one woman every 9 minutes. And odds are that these figures are underestimated.
Making the decision to resort to a VTP is always difficult. Ideally, you should be able to discuss it with your partner, when there is one, and with your close friends and family, to have someone go with you as support, to weigh the pros and cons, and to make a choice in line with your convictions and your conscience. But first and foremost, the law must guarantee the right to be able to ask oneself this question, because guaranteeing this right is also guaranteeing the health and safety of women, and that is why this remains a public health imperative.
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com. This article was translated from MediQuality.
Women with fear of pregnancy call for clinician compassion
Cee Elliot is afraid of pregnancy. The 29-year-old retail manager in Connecticut said she has felt that way since puberty, when she “finally understood” pregnancy and reproduction. Always squeamish around babies and pregnant people, she said, as she learned more about the complications birth can cause, the idea of carrying a child herself became increasingly repulsive.
Later, Ms. Elliot said, she was treated poorly by a partner because of her fears, leading to regular panic attacks. She moved on from that partner, but her fear of pregnancy did not. Along the way, she felt her fears were dismissed by doctors and peers alike.
Tokophobia – a severe fear of childbirth – goes beyond the typical anxieties about birth or pregnancy that women often experience. The condition can intrude on everyday life, crippling social interaction and interrupting regular sleep patterns. Although statistics in the United States don’t exist, as many as 14% of women internationally are thought to have tokophobia.
Although psychiatric treatment focusing on past traumas can help, many women resort to managing the condition themselves. Some seek sterilization, whereas others take multiple forms of contraception simultaneously – combining intrauterine devices and oral birth control, for example, experts said. Some women have sought abortions and some even have attempted suicide rather than face giving birth, according to Leila Frodsham, MbChB, a women’s health expert at King’s College London, who has studied tokophobia.
The International Classification of Diseases added tokophobia to its list of diagnostic codes in 2018. But the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, used by clinicians in the United States, has yet to do the same. Without this designation, some doctors are more inclined to diagnose tokophobia than others, Dr. Frodsham said.
“I think some clinicians struggle to understand how much this condition affects women. There isn’t training in it, and I’d like to see it discussed more,” Dr. Frodsham told this news organization.
Dr. Frodsham said she has seen hundreds of patients seeking help with their fear of pregnancy. Many of these women don’t know that they might have a condition that could benefit from psychiatric treatment.
Tokophobia typically takes two forms: primary, which affects women who have never given birth; and secondary, which stems from a previous traumatic birth experience.
“It’s not the pain of childbirth they are afraid of, but rather their fear comes out of a sense that they lack control over themselves and the situation of being pregnant,” Dr. Frodsham said.
Although the phenomenon has been studied internationally, particularly in Europe, fear of childbirth remains almost entirely unexplored in the United States literature.
One of the only scientific examinations of tokophobia in this country was a 2016 survey of 22 women with the condition by researchers at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Published in the Journal of Obstetric, Gynecology & Neonatal Nursing, the survey found that many of the women expressed concern that their race, gender, or level of income might affect the quality of their care. Some women surveyed said they had experienced traumas directly related to systemic inequalities in the health care system.
Lee Roosevelt, PhD, MPH, CNM, a nurse and midwife and a coauthor of the study, said fear of the health care system, coupled with concern over the loss of bodily autonomy, can foster severe aversion to childbirth. In her experience, she said, clinicians often handle these patients poorly.
“If a woman is making the decision not to have children, we want it to be because she has decided for her, and her body, that it is the right thing,” added Lisa Kane Low, PhD, CNM, professor of obstetrics and gynecology at the University of Michigan, who worked with Dr. Roosevelt on the survey. “She shouldn’t feel the decision is made because she can’t access what she needs or the health care system is unable to provide it.”
Access to midwives, doulas, or therapists trained in trauma counseling can allow women to have a voice in their treatment, Dr. Roosevelt said.
No specific medication exists to treat tokophobia; however, drugs for depression or anxiety sometimes help, Dr. Low said. “Women with tokophobia may not need medication but would benefit from other therapies like desensitization or biobehavioral approaches or combinations of those,” she said.
Treating triggers
According to Dr. Frodsham, women with tokophobia often experience guilt and isolation. They may avoid speaking to women who are pregnant or avoid discussing pregnancy and childbirth, afraid that doing so may trigger their fear.
“They can’t see how they can get close to this catastrophic thing they think is going to happen to them,” she said. “Many of them think they will die.”
Many patients avoid thinking about memories of traumatic events so as to not trigger extreme emotional responses.
Dr. Roosevelt said developing ways to assess and treat tokophobia has become more urgent, since the Supreme Court’s recent decision to overturn Roe v. Wade could lead to more instances of women carrying unwanted pregnancies.
Seeking community
The internet has become a place where women with tokophobia and less severe fears about pregnancy can share their experiences. On the online bulletin board Reddit, r/Tokphobia and r/childfree contain thousands of queries and personal stories about the condition, as well as requests for advice.
Jillian Kilcoyne, who lives in New York and attends college in Michigan, said: “Pregnancy has always freaked me out. A part of me believes it’s a biological injustice that women have to go through such pain and be ignored by the medical community just to give birth.” Ms. Kilcoyne said she has not sought counseling or help from a clinician.
“I’m not sure I even want it,” she told this news organization. “Some people want to get over their phobia because they want families, and others don’t want children at all. I think that those individuals should have the help they need.”
Claudia, a South Carolina resident who asked to be identified only by her first name owing to concerns about her privacy, said her tokophobia began when she started having sex. It grew worse when she developed health conditions that could be exacerbated by pregnancy. She said she stocks up on contraceptives and periodically takes a pregnancy test to ease her nerves.
“This started for me when I realized that having children wasn’t a requirement for life. I didn’t even know there was a name for what I was feeling,” Claudia said in an interview. “So, letting women know they have options, and then not making them feel guilty, or ashamed, is the most important thing. We shouldn’t try to convince women that motherhood is the only, or the correct, path.”
Ms. Elliot urged clinicians to have compassion: “Treat tokophobic patients – especially a pregnant one seeking an abortion – like someone with a life-threatening parasite. Don’t belittle or dismiss them. We’re already going to lose so many lives because of unwanted pregnancies and birth. Don’t add to the number.”
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.
Cee Elliot is afraid of pregnancy. The 29-year-old retail manager in Connecticut said she has felt that way since puberty, when she “finally understood” pregnancy and reproduction. Always squeamish around babies and pregnant people, she said, as she learned more about the complications birth can cause, the idea of carrying a child herself became increasingly repulsive.
Later, Ms. Elliot said, she was treated poorly by a partner because of her fears, leading to regular panic attacks. She moved on from that partner, but her fear of pregnancy did not. Along the way, she felt her fears were dismissed by doctors and peers alike.
Tokophobia – a severe fear of childbirth – goes beyond the typical anxieties about birth or pregnancy that women often experience. The condition can intrude on everyday life, crippling social interaction and interrupting regular sleep patterns. Although statistics in the United States don’t exist, as many as 14% of women internationally are thought to have tokophobia.
Although psychiatric treatment focusing on past traumas can help, many women resort to managing the condition themselves. Some seek sterilization, whereas others take multiple forms of contraception simultaneously – combining intrauterine devices and oral birth control, for example, experts said. Some women have sought abortions and some even have attempted suicide rather than face giving birth, according to Leila Frodsham, MbChB, a women’s health expert at King’s College London, who has studied tokophobia.
The International Classification of Diseases added tokophobia to its list of diagnostic codes in 2018. But the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, used by clinicians in the United States, has yet to do the same. Without this designation, some doctors are more inclined to diagnose tokophobia than others, Dr. Frodsham said.
“I think some clinicians struggle to understand how much this condition affects women. There isn’t training in it, and I’d like to see it discussed more,” Dr. Frodsham told this news organization.
Dr. Frodsham said she has seen hundreds of patients seeking help with their fear of pregnancy. Many of these women don’t know that they might have a condition that could benefit from psychiatric treatment.
Tokophobia typically takes two forms: primary, which affects women who have never given birth; and secondary, which stems from a previous traumatic birth experience.
“It’s not the pain of childbirth they are afraid of, but rather their fear comes out of a sense that they lack control over themselves and the situation of being pregnant,” Dr. Frodsham said.
Although the phenomenon has been studied internationally, particularly in Europe, fear of childbirth remains almost entirely unexplored in the United States literature.
One of the only scientific examinations of tokophobia in this country was a 2016 survey of 22 women with the condition by researchers at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Published in the Journal of Obstetric, Gynecology & Neonatal Nursing, the survey found that many of the women expressed concern that their race, gender, or level of income might affect the quality of their care. Some women surveyed said they had experienced traumas directly related to systemic inequalities in the health care system.
Lee Roosevelt, PhD, MPH, CNM, a nurse and midwife and a coauthor of the study, said fear of the health care system, coupled with concern over the loss of bodily autonomy, can foster severe aversion to childbirth. In her experience, she said, clinicians often handle these patients poorly.
“If a woman is making the decision not to have children, we want it to be because she has decided for her, and her body, that it is the right thing,” added Lisa Kane Low, PhD, CNM, professor of obstetrics and gynecology at the University of Michigan, who worked with Dr. Roosevelt on the survey. “She shouldn’t feel the decision is made because she can’t access what she needs or the health care system is unable to provide it.”
Access to midwives, doulas, or therapists trained in trauma counseling can allow women to have a voice in their treatment, Dr. Roosevelt said.
No specific medication exists to treat tokophobia; however, drugs for depression or anxiety sometimes help, Dr. Low said. “Women with tokophobia may not need medication but would benefit from other therapies like desensitization or biobehavioral approaches or combinations of those,” she said.
Treating triggers
According to Dr. Frodsham, women with tokophobia often experience guilt and isolation. They may avoid speaking to women who are pregnant or avoid discussing pregnancy and childbirth, afraid that doing so may trigger their fear.
“They can’t see how they can get close to this catastrophic thing they think is going to happen to them,” she said. “Many of them think they will die.”
Many patients avoid thinking about memories of traumatic events so as to not trigger extreme emotional responses.
Dr. Roosevelt said developing ways to assess and treat tokophobia has become more urgent, since the Supreme Court’s recent decision to overturn Roe v. Wade could lead to more instances of women carrying unwanted pregnancies.
Seeking community
The internet has become a place where women with tokophobia and less severe fears about pregnancy can share their experiences. On the online bulletin board Reddit, r/Tokphobia and r/childfree contain thousands of queries and personal stories about the condition, as well as requests for advice.
Jillian Kilcoyne, who lives in New York and attends college in Michigan, said: “Pregnancy has always freaked me out. A part of me believes it’s a biological injustice that women have to go through such pain and be ignored by the medical community just to give birth.” Ms. Kilcoyne said she has not sought counseling or help from a clinician.
“I’m not sure I even want it,” she told this news organization. “Some people want to get over their phobia because they want families, and others don’t want children at all. I think that those individuals should have the help they need.”
Claudia, a South Carolina resident who asked to be identified only by her first name owing to concerns about her privacy, said her tokophobia began when she started having sex. It grew worse when she developed health conditions that could be exacerbated by pregnancy. She said she stocks up on contraceptives and periodically takes a pregnancy test to ease her nerves.
“This started for me when I realized that having children wasn’t a requirement for life. I didn’t even know there was a name for what I was feeling,” Claudia said in an interview. “So, letting women know they have options, and then not making them feel guilty, or ashamed, is the most important thing. We shouldn’t try to convince women that motherhood is the only, or the correct, path.”
Ms. Elliot urged clinicians to have compassion: “Treat tokophobic patients – especially a pregnant one seeking an abortion – like someone with a life-threatening parasite. Don’t belittle or dismiss them. We’re already going to lose so many lives because of unwanted pregnancies and birth. Don’t add to the number.”
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.
Cee Elliot is afraid of pregnancy. The 29-year-old retail manager in Connecticut said she has felt that way since puberty, when she “finally understood” pregnancy and reproduction. Always squeamish around babies and pregnant people, she said, as she learned more about the complications birth can cause, the idea of carrying a child herself became increasingly repulsive.
Later, Ms. Elliot said, she was treated poorly by a partner because of her fears, leading to regular panic attacks. She moved on from that partner, but her fear of pregnancy did not. Along the way, she felt her fears were dismissed by doctors and peers alike.
Tokophobia – a severe fear of childbirth – goes beyond the typical anxieties about birth or pregnancy that women often experience. The condition can intrude on everyday life, crippling social interaction and interrupting regular sleep patterns. Although statistics in the United States don’t exist, as many as 14% of women internationally are thought to have tokophobia.
Although psychiatric treatment focusing on past traumas can help, many women resort to managing the condition themselves. Some seek sterilization, whereas others take multiple forms of contraception simultaneously – combining intrauterine devices and oral birth control, for example, experts said. Some women have sought abortions and some even have attempted suicide rather than face giving birth, according to Leila Frodsham, MbChB, a women’s health expert at King’s College London, who has studied tokophobia.
The International Classification of Diseases added tokophobia to its list of diagnostic codes in 2018. But the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, used by clinicians in the United States, has yet to do the same. Without this designation, some doctors are more inclined to diagnose tokophobia than others, Dr. Frodsham said.
“I think some clinicians struggle to understand how much this condition affects women. There isn’t training in it, and I’d like to see it discussed more,” Dr. Frodsham told this news organization.
Dr. Frodsham said she has seen hundreds of patients seeking help with their fear of pregnancy. Many of these women don’t know that they might have a condition that could benefit from psychiatric treatment.
Tokophobia typically takes two forms: primary, which affects women who have never given birth; and secondary, which stems from a previous traumatic birth experience.
“It’s not the pain of childbirth they are afraid of, but rather their fear comes out of a sense that they lack control over themselves and the situation of being pregnant,” Dr. Frodsham said.
Although the phenomenon has been studied internationally, particularly in Europe, fear of childbirth remains almost entirely unexplored in the United States literature.
One of the only scientific examinations of tokophobia in this country was a 2016 survey of 22 women with the condition by researchers at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Published in the Journal of Obstetric, Gynecology & Neonatal Nursing, the survey found that many of the women expressed concern that their race, gender, or level of income might affect the quality of their care. Some women surveyed said they had experienced traumas directly related to systemic inequalities in the health care system.
Lee Roosevelt, PhD, MPH, CNM, a nurse and midwife and a coauthor of the study, said fear of the health care system, coupled with concern over the loss of bodily autonomy, can foster severe aversion to childbirth. In her experience, she said, clinicians often handle these patients poorly.
“If a woman is making the decision not to have children, we want it to be because she has decided for her, and her body, that it is the right thing,” added Lisa Kane Low, PhD, CNM, professor of obstetrics and gynecology at the University of Michigan, who worked with Dr. Roosevelt on the survey. “She shouldn’t feel the decision is made because she can’t access what she needs or the health care system is unable to provide it.”
Access to midwives, doulas, or therapists trained in trauma counseling can allow women to have a voice in their treatment, Dr. Roosevelt said.
No specific medication exists to treat tokophobia; however, drugs for depression or anxiety sometimes help, Dr. Low said. “Women with tokophobia may not need medication but would benefit from other therapies like desensitization or biobehavioral approaches or combinations of those,” she said.
Treating triggers
According to Dr. Frodsham, women with tokophobia often experience guilt and isolation. They may avoid speaking to women who are pregnant or avoid discussing pregnancy and childbirth, afraid that doing so may trigger their fear.
“They can’t see how they can get close to this catastrophic thing they think is going to happen to them,” she said. “Many of them think they will die.”
Many patients avoid thinking about memories of traumatic events so as to not trigger extreme emotional responses.
Dr. Roosevelt said developing ways to assess and treat tokophobia has become more urgent, since the Supreme Court’s recent decision to overturn Roe v. Wade could lead to more instances of women carrying unwanted pregnancies.
Seeking community
The internet has become a place where women with tokophobia and less severe fears about pregnancy can share their experiences. On the online bulletin board Reddit, r/Tokphobia and r/childfree contain thousands of queries and personal stories about the condition, as well as requests for advice.
Jillian Kilcoyne, who lives in New York and attends college in Michigan, said: “Pregnancy has always freaked me out. A part of me believes it’s a biological injustice that women have to go through such pain and be ignored by the medical community just to give birth.” Ms. Kilcoyne said she has not sought counseling or help from a clinician.
“I’m not sure I even want it,” she told this news organization. “Some people want to get over their phobia because they want families, and others don’t want children at all. I think that those individuals should have the help they need.”
Claudia, a South Carolina resident who asked to be identified only by her first name owing to concerns about her privacy, said her tokophobia began when she started having sex. It grew worse when she developed health conditions that could be exacerbated by pregnancy. She said she stocks up on contraceptives and periodically takes a pregnancy test to ease her nerves.
“This started for me when I realized that having children wasn’t a requirement for life. I didn’t even know there was a name for what I was feeling,” Claudia said in an interview. “So, letting women know they have options, and then not making them feel guilty, or ashamed, is the most important thing. We shouldn’t try to convince women that motherhood is the only, or the correct, path.”
Ms. Elliot urged clinicians to have compassion: “Treat tokophobic patients – especially a pregnant one seeking an abortion – like someone with a life-threatening parasite. Don’t belittle or dismiss them. We’re already going to lose so many lives because of unwanted pregnancies and birth. Don’t add to the number.”
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.
TNF inhibitor use for RA shows beneficial effect in pregnancy
Women with well-controlled rheumatoid arthritis who used a tumor necrosis factor (TNF) inhibitor during pregnancy gave birth to infants with higher birth weight than did other patients, without an increased risk of adverse outcomes, according to findings from a Dutch prospective cohort study published online in Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases.
The study involved 188 patients drawn from the ongoing Preconceptional Counseling in Active RA (PreCARA) study, which followed patients with inflammatory rheumatic diseases before and during pregnancy. Women enrolled in PreCARA were closely monitored and treated with a therapeutic approach that aimed to achieve minimal disease activity, which included the use of TNF inhibitors.
Much research on TNF inhibitors during pregnancy has been limited to the first trimester and focused primarily on congenital malformations. In addition, most previous studies evaluating TNF inhibitors during pregnancy involved patients with different underlying diseases, making it difficult to interpret the results.
Hieronymus T. W. Smeele, MD, and colleagues at Erasmus University Medical Center, Rotterdam, the Netherlands, evaluated participants every 3 months before pregnancy; then again in the first, second, and third trimesters; and at 6, 12, and 26 weeks post partum. At these visits, in addition to undergoing an examination of their joints, patients completed questionnaires and gave blood samples. Disease activity was determined using the Disease Activity Score in 28 joints. Twin births and diagnoses other than RA were excluded.
Bigger babies
The study found that use of TNF inhibitors during pregnancy (n = 92 women) did not increase the risk of birth defects or emergency cesarean sections. While RA is typically associated with small-for-gestational-age (SGA) birth weights, TNF inhibitors were associated with a significant increase in birth weight and fewer infants born SGA, even when the comparison was adjusted for confounders, such as disease activity. At the same time, TNF inhibitors were not associated with high birth weight or with infants who were large for gestational age (LGA).
The results showed that the effects were greatest when TNF inhibitors were used in the third trimester. However, teasing out the effects based on trimester is difficult because participants who used TNF inhibitors during the third trimester were likely to use them in the first and second trimester as well. The study’s authors pointed out that these results need to be replicated.
“The immune system is not only important in the pathogenesis of RA,” the study’s authors wrote, “but also for ensuring and maintaining a normal pregnancy.” They pointed out that many adverse outcomes of pregnancy that are thought to arise from inadequate development of the placenta, such as intrauterine growth restriction, SGA, and hypertensive disorders of pregnancy, can involve an increase in proinflammatory cytokines, such as TNF. “It is tempting to speculate that treatment with [TNF inhibitors] during pregnancy promotes placentation and thereby fetal growth and birth weight by changing the balance between proinflammatory and anti-inflammatory cytokines and by increasing the number and function of [regulatory T cells].” They also hypothesize that treatment with TNF inhibitors induces epigenetic changes in the fetus, which positively influence fetal growth.
Welcomed data
This is a well-done, interesting study that will add to the still-slim body of research on pregnancy in rheumatic diseases, Kevin Byram, MD, assistant professor of medicine in the division of rheumatology and immunology and associate director of the rheumatology training program at Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn., told this news organization.
“Historically, pregnant women have been excluded from clinical trials, not just in rheumatoid arthritis, but in other rheumatic diseases, so we don’t have a lot of great data,” he said, adding that the more interesting part of the study was that it showed there was no increased risk of adverse outcomes. “I’m not sure what to make of the increased birth weight. It will be interesting to see if the hypothesis that there might be a role for this molecule in preventing low birth weight goes anywhere.”
The work was supported by the Dutch Arthritis Foundation. PreCARA is an investigator-initiated study that was financially supported by UCB. The authors declared no competing interests.
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.
Women with well-controlled rheumatoid arthritis who used a tumor necrosis factor (TNF) inhibitor during pregnancy gave birth to infants with higher birth weight than did other patients, without an increased risk of adverse outcomes, according to findings from a Dutch prospective cohort study published online in Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases.
The study involved 188 patients drawn from the ongoing Preconceptional Counseling in Active RA (PreCARA) study, which followed patients with inflammatory rheumatic diseases before and during pregnancy. Women enrolled in PreCARA were closely monitored and treated with a therapeutic approach that aimed to achieve minimal disease activity, which included the use of TNF inhibitors.
Much research on TNF inhibitors during pregnancy has been limited to the first trimester and focused primarily on congenital malformations. In addition, most previous studies evaluating TNF inhibitors during pregnancy involved patients with different underlying diseases, making it difficult to interpret the results.
Hieronymus T. W. Smeele, MD, and colleagues at Erasmus University Medical Center, Rotterdam, the Netherlands, evaluated participants every 3 months before pregnancy; then again in the first, second, and third trimesters; and at 6, 12, and 26 weeks post partum. At these visits, in addition to undergoing an examination of their joints, patients completed questionnaires and gave blood samples. Disease activity was determined using the Disease Activity Score in 28 joints. Twin births and diagnoses other than RA were excluded.
Bigger babies
The study found that use of TNF inhibitors during pregnancy (n = 92 women) did not increase the risk of birth defects or emergency cesarean sections. While RA is typically associated with small-for-gestational-age (SGA) birth weights, TNF inhibitors were associated with a significant increase in birth weight and fewer infants born SGA, even when the comparison was adjusted for confounders, such as disease activity. At the same time, TNF inhibitors were not associated with high birth weight or with infants who were large for gestational age (LGA).
The results showed that the effects were greatest when TNF inhibitors were used in the third trimester. However, teasing out the effects based on trimester is difficult because participants who used TNF inhibitors during the third trimester were likely to use them in the first and second trimester as well. The study’s authors pointed out that these results need to be replicated.
“The immune system is not only important in the pathogenesis of RA,” the study’s authors wrote, “but also for ensuring and maintaining a normal pregnancy.” They pointed out that many adverse outcomes of pregnancy that are thought to arise from inadequate development of the placenta, such as intrauterine growth restriction, SGA, and hypertensive disorders of pregnancy, can involve an increase in proinflammatory cytokines, such as TNF. “It is tempting to speculate that treatment with [TNF inhibitors] during pregnancy promotes placentation and thereby fetal growth and birth weight by changing the balance between proinflammatory and anti-inflammatory cytokines and by increasing the number and function of [regulatory T cells].” They also hypothesize that treatment with TNF inhibitors induces epigenetic changes in the fetus, which positively influence fetal growth.
Welcomed data
This is a well-done, interesting study that will add to the still-slim body of research on pregnancy in rheumatic diseases, Kevin Byram, MD, assistant professor of medicine in the division of rheumatology and immunology and associate director of the rheumatology training program at Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn., told this news organization.
“Historically, pregnant women have been excluded from clinical trials, not just in rheumatoid arthritis, but in other rheumatic diseases, so we don’t have a lot of great data,” he said, adding that the more interesting part of the study was that it showed there was no increased risk of adverse outcomes. “I’m not sure what to make of the increased birth weight. It will be interesting to see if the hypothesis that there might be a role for this molecule in preventing low birth weight goes anywhere.”
The work was supported by the Dutch Arthritis Foundation. PreCARA is an investigator-initiated study that was financially supported by UCB. The authors declared no competing interests.
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.
Women with well-controlled rheumatoid arthritis who used a tumor necrosis factor (TNF) inhibitor during pregnancy gave birth to infants with higher birth weight than did other patients, without an increased risk of adverse outcomes, according to findings from a Dutch prospective cohort study published online in Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases.
The study involved 188 patients drawn from the ongoing Preconceptional Counseling in Active RA (PreCARA) study, which followed patients with inflammatory rheumatic diseases before and during pregnancy. Women enrolled in PreCARA were closely monitored and treated with a therapeutic approach that aimed to achieve minimal disease activity, which included the use of TNF inhibitors.
Much research on TNF inhibitors during pregnancy has been limited to the first trimester and focused primarily on congenital malformations. In addition, most previous studies evaluating TNF inhibitors during pregnancy involved patients with different underlying diseases, making it difficult to interpret the results.
Hieronymus T. W. Smeele, MD, and colleagues at Erasmus University Medical Center, Rotterdam, the Netherlands, evaluated participants every 3 months before pregnancy; then again in the first, second, and third trimesters; and at 6, 12, and 26 weeks post partum. At these visits, in addition to undergoing an examination of their joints, patients completed questionnaires and gave blood samples. Disease activity was determined using the Disease Activity Score in 28 joints. Twin births and diagnoses other than RA were excluded.
Bigger babies
The study found that use of TNF inhibitors during pregnancy (n = 92 women) did not increase the risk of birth defects or emergency cesarean sections. While RA is typically associated with small-for-gestational-age (SGA) birth weights, TNF inhibitors were associated with a significant increase in birth weight and fewer infants born SGA, even when the comparison was adjusted for confounders, such as disease activity. At the same time, TNF inhibitors were not associated with high birth weight or with infants who were large for gestational age (LGA).
The results showed that the effects were greatest when TNF inhibitors were used in the third trimester. However, teasing out the effects based on trimester is difficult because participants who used TNF inhibitors during the third trimester were likely to use them in the first and second trimester as well. The study’s authors pointed out that these results need to be replicated.
“The immune system is not only important in the pathogenesis of RA,” the study’s authors wrote, “but also for ensuring and maintaining a normal pregnancy.” They pointed out that many adverse outcomes of pregnancy that are thought to arise from inadequate development of the placenta, such as intrauterine growth restriction, SGA, and hypertensive disorders of pregnancy, can involve an increase in proinflammatory cytokines, such as TNF. “It is tempting to speculate that treatment with [TNF inhibitors] during pregnancy promotes placentation and thereby fetal growth and birth weight by changing the balance between proinflammatory and anti-inflammatory cytokines and by increasing the number and function of [regulatory T cells].” They also hypothesize that treatment with TNF inhibitors induces epigenetic changes in the fetus, which positively influence fetal growth.
Welcomed data
This is a well-done, interesting study that will add to the still-slim body of research on pregnancy in rheumatic diseases, Kevin Byram, MD, assistant professor of medicine in the division of rheumatology and immunology and associate director of the rheumatology training program at Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn., told this news organization.
“Historically, pregnant women have been excluded from clinical trials, not just in rheumatoid arthritis, but in other rheumatic diseases, so we don’t have a lot of great data,” he said, adding that the more interesting part of the study was that it showed there was no increased risk of adverse outcomes. “I’m not sure what to make of the increased birth weight. It will be interesting to see if the hypothesis that there might be a role for this molecule in preventing low birth weight goes anywhere.”
The work was supported by the Dutch Arthritis Foundation. PreCARA is an investigator-initiated study that was financially supported by UCB. The authors declared no competing interests.
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.
FROM ANNALS OF THE RHEUMATIC DISEASES
Moms using frozen embryos carry higher hypertensive risk
Women who become pregnant during in vitro fertilization (IVF) from previously frozen embryos have a significantly higher chance of developing hypertensive disorders such as preeclampsia than do women who become pregnant through natural conception, researchers have found.
The new findings come from a study presented at the 2022 annual meeting of the European Society of Human Reproduction and Embryology. In the study, which will soon be published in Hypertension, researchers analyzed more than 4.5 million pregnancies from Denmark, Norway, and Sweden.
“Our findings are significant because frozen embryo transfers are increasingly common all over the world, partly due to the elective freezing of all embryos,” said Sindre Hoff Petersen, PhD, a fellow in the department of public health and nursing at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim, who led the study.
More than 320,000 IVF procedures were performed in the United States in 2020, according to preliminary data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Of those, more than 123,000 eggs or embryos were frozen for future use.
The use of assisted reproductive technology, which includes IVF, has more than doubled during the past decade, the CDC reports. Roughly 2% of all babies born in the United States each year are conceived through assisted reproductive technology.
Dr. Petersen and his colleagues compared maternal complications in sibling pregnancies. Women who became pregnant following the transfer of a frozen embryo were 74% more likely to develop a hypertensive disorder than women who became pregnant following natural conception (7.4% vs. 4.3%; adjusted odds ratio, 1.74; 95% confidence interval, P < .001). The difference was even higher with respect to sibling births: Women who became pregnant using frozen embryos were 102% more likely than women who became pregnant using natural conception to develop a hypertensive disorder (adjusted odds ratio 2.02; 95% CI, 1.72-2.39, P < .001).
The researchers found no difference in the risk of hypertensive disorders between women who used fresh embryos during IVF and women who used natural conception (5.9% vs. 4.3%, 95% CI, P = .382).
“When we find that the association between frozen embryo transfer and hypertensive disorders in pregnancy persists in sibling comparisons, we believe we have strong indications that treatment factors might in fact contribute to the higher risk,” Dr. Petersen told this news organization.
Women in the study who became pregnant after natural conception had a 4.3% chance of developing hypertensive disorders. That effect persisted after controlling for maternal body mass index, smoking, and time between deliveries, he said.
The findings can add to discussions between patients and doctors on the potential benefits and harms of freezing embryos on an elective basis if there is no clinical indication, Dr. Petersen said. The frozen method is most often used to transfer a single embryo in order to reduce the incidence of multiple pregnancies, such as twins and triplets, which in turn reduces pregnancy complications.
“The vast majority of IVF pregnancies, including frozen embryo transfer, are healthy and uncomplicated, and both short- and long-term outcomes for both the mother and the children are very reassuring,” Dr. Petersen said.
Women who become pregnant through use of frozen embryos should be more closely monitored for potential hypertensive disorders, although more work is needed to determine the reasons for the association, said Elizabeth S. Ginsburg, MD, at Brigham and Women’s Hospital and professor of obstetrics, gynecology, and reproductive biology at Harvard Medical School, both in Boston.
“This is something general ob.gyns. need to be aware of, but it’s not clear which subpopulations of patients are going to be affected,” Dr. Ginsburg said. “More investigation is needed to determine if this is caused by the way the uterus is readied for the embryo transfer or if it’s patient population etiology.”
Some studies have suggested that the absence of a hormone-producing cyst, which forms on the ovary during each menstrual cycle, could explain the link between frozen embryo transfer and heightened preeclampsia risk.
Dr. Petersen and Dr. Ginsburg reported no relevant financial relationships.
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.
Women who become pregnant during in vitro fertilization (IVF) from previously frozen embryos have a significantly higher chance of developing hypertensive disorders such as preeclampsia than do women who become pregnant through natural conception, researchers have found.
The new findings come from a study presented at the 2022 annual meeting of the European Society of Human Reproduction and Embryology. In the study, which will soon be published in Hypertension, researchers analyzed more than 4.5 million pregnancies from Denmark, Norway, and Sweden.
“Our findings are significant because frozen embryo transfers are increasingly common all over the world, partly due to the elective freezing of all embryos,” said Sindre Hoff Petersen, PhD, a fellow in the department of public health and nursing at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim, who led the study.
More than 320,000 IVF procedures were performed in the United States in 2020, according to preliminary data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Of those, more than 123,000 eggs or embryos were frozen for future use.
The use of assisted reproductive technology, which includes IVF, has more than doubled during the past decade, the CDC reports. Roughly 2% of all babies born in the United States each year are conceived through assisted reproductive technology.
Dr. Petersen and his colleagues compared maternal complications in sibling pregnancies. Women who became pregnant following the transfer of a frozen embryo were 74% more likely to develop a hypertensive disorder than women who became pregnant following natural conception (7.4% vs. 4.3%; adjusted odds ratio, 1.74; 95% confidence interval, P < .001). The difference was even higher with respect to sibling births: Women who became pregnant using frozen embryos were 102% more likely than women who became pregnant using natural conception to develop a hypertensive disorder (adjusted odds ratio 2.02; 95% CI, 1.72-2.39, P < .001).
The researchers found no difference in the risk of hypertensive disorders between women who used fresh embryos during IVF and women who used natural conception (5.9% vs. 4.3%, 95% CI, P = .382).
“When we find that the association between frozen embryo transfer and hypertensive disorders in pregnancy persists in sibling comparisons, we believe we have strong indications that treatment factors might in fact contribute to the higher risk,” Dr. Petersen told this news organization.
Women in the study who became pregnant after natural conception had a 4.3% chance of developing hypertensive disorders. That effect persisted after controlling for maternal body mass index, smoking, and time between deliveries, he said.
The findings can add to discussions between patients and doctors on the potential benefits and harms of freezing embryos on an elective basis if there is no clinical indication, Dr. Petersen said. The frozen method is most often used to transfer a single embryo in order to reduce the incidence of multiple pregnancies, such as twins and triplets, which in turn reduces pregnancy complications.
“The vast majority of IVF pregnancies, including frozen embryo transfer, are healthy and uncomplicated, and both short- and long-term outcomes for both the mother and the children are very reassuring,” Dr. Petersen said.
Women who become pregnant through use of frozen embryos should be more closely monitored for potential hypertensive disorders, although more work is needed to determine the reasons for the association, said Elizabeth S. Ginsburg, MD, at Brigham and Women’s Hospital and professor of obstetrics, gynecology, and reproductive biology at Harvard Medical School, both in Boston.
“This is something general ob.gyns. need to be aware of, but it’s not clear which subpopulations of patients are going to be affected,” Dr. Ginsburg said. “More investigation is needed to determine if this is caused by the way the uterus is readied for the embryo transfer or if it’s patient population etiology.”
Some studies have suggested that the absence of a hormone-producing cyst, which forms on the ovary during each menstrual cycle, could explain the link between frozen embryo transfer and heightened preeclampsia risk.
Dr. Petersen and Dr. Ginsburg reported no relevant financial relationships.
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.
Women who become pregnant during in vitro fertilization (IVF) from previously frozen embryos have a significantly higher chance of developing hypertensive disorders such as preeclampsia than do women who become pregnant through natural conception, researchers have found.
The new findings come from a study presented at the 2022 annual meeting of the European Society of Human Reproduction and Embryology. In the study, which will soon be published in Hypertension, researchers analyzed more than 4.5 million pregnancies from Denmark, Norway, and Sweden.
“Our findings are significant because frozen embryo transfers are increasingly common all over the world, partly due to the elective freezing of all embryos,” said Sindre Hoff Petersen, PhD, a fellow in the department of public health and nursing at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim, who led the study.
More than 320,000 IVF procedures were performed in the United States in 2020, according to preliminary data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Of those, more than 123,000 eggs or embryos were frozen for future use.
The use of assisted reproductive technology, which includes IVF, has more than doubled during the past decade, the CDC reports. Roughly 2% of all babies born in the United States each year are conceived through assisted reproductive technology.
Dr. Petersen and his colleagues compared maternal complications in sibling pregnancies. Women who became pregnant following the transfer of a frozen embryo were 74% more likely to develop a hypertensive disorder than women who became pregnant following natural conception (7.4% vs. 4.3%; adjusted odds ratio, 1.74; 95% confidence interval, P < .001). The difference was even higher with respect to sibling births: Women who became pregnant using frozen embryos were 102% more likely than women who became pregnant using natural conception to develop a hypertensive disorder (adjusted odds ratio 2.02; 95% CI, 1.72-2.39, P < .001).
The researchers found no difference in the risk of hypertensive disorders between women who used fresh embryos during IVF and women who used natural conception (5.9% vs. 4.3%, 95% CI, P = .382).
“When we find that the association between frozen embryo transfer and hypertensive disorders in pregnancy persists in sibling comparisons, we believe we have strong indications that treatment factors might in fact contribute to the higher risk,” Dr. Petersen told this news organization.
Women in the study who became pregnant after natural conception had a 4.3% chance of developing hypertensive disorders. That effect persisted after controlling for maternal body mass index, smoking, and time between deliveries, he said.
The findings can add to discussions between patients and doctors on the potential benefits and harms of freezing embryos on an elective basis if there is no clinical indication, Dr. Petersen said. The frozen method is most often used to transfer a single embryo in order to reduce the incidence of multiple pregnancies, such as twins and triplets, which in turn reduces pregnancy complications.
“The vast majority of IVF pregnancies, including frozen embryo transfer, are healthy and uncomplicated, and both short- and long-term outcomes for both the mother and the children are very reassuring,” Dr. Petersen said.
Women who become pregnant through use of frozen embryos should be more closely monitored for potential hypertensive disorders, although more work is needed to determine the reasons for the association, said Elizabeth S. Ginsburg, MD, at Brigham and Women’s Hospital and professor of obstetrics, gynecology, and reproductive biology at Harvard Medical School, both in Boston.
“This is something general ob.gyns. need to be aware of, but it’s not clear which subpopulations of patients are going to be affected,” Dr. Ginsburg said. “More investigation is needed to determine if this is caused by the way the uterus is readied for the embryo transfer or if it’s patient population etiology.”
Some studies have suggested that the absence of a hormone-producing cyst, which forms on the ovary during each menstrual cycle, could explain the link between frozen embryo transfer and heightened preeclampsia risk.
Dr. Petersen and Dr. Ginsburg reported no relevant financial relationships.
A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.
Commentary: Perspective of a Floridian providing abortion care in California
Since the overturn of Roe v. Wade, my mind has been flooded with the emotions of disappointment, fear, helplessness, and rage. While I process the news and try to move forward, a sense of survivor’s guilt remains. Currently, I am a Complex Family Planning fellow in California, but prior to last year, I spent my entire life in Florida. I continue to provide abortion care without the fear of prosecution. Meanwhile, my family, friends, and colleagues back home remain trapped as they scramble to figure out what to do in the aftermath of this tragedy.
The day the Supreme Court decision was announced, I was in the operating room performing an abortion. As I went through a 24-week dilation and evacuation procedure, I could hear my phone vibrating as text messages and social media alerts started to flood in. Those who have met me know how much I care about reproductive rights. I was not surprised when family, friends, and former colleagues reached out to check on me. While I appreciated the support, I could not help but think how it was not me who needed the comforting. I did not have to question whether my team could complete our full day of abortion procedures. I knew there were providers across the country making devastating calls canceling and denying appointments for patients needing abortion care. They were meeting with their staffs, administrators, and lawyers, and fielding responses from the media. I thought about all the patients and the fear they must be experiencing as they scrambled to make arrangements for possible travel to other clinics or self-management of their abortion. I know that for many, their only option is forced pregnancy.
Like any other day, the patients we cared for that day were seeking an abortion for a variety of reasons. There was a patient who recently learned her desired pregnancy was complicated by a lethal fetal malformation. One patient shared that she experienced contraception failure. Another patient feared pregnancy because her last pregnancy was complicated by severe preeclampsia and hemorrhage. Our last patient told us she missed her period and knew she did not want to be pregnant. While each individual experience is unique, these stories are not exclusive to people living in California – these stories are the same ones I heard from patients and friends seeking an abortion in Florida - across the country.
The Supreme Court majority argued it was handing the question of abortion over to the states and their voters to decide. Recent surveys found 61% of U.S. adults believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases,1 but in several states, within hours to days of the SCOTUS decision, patients were forced to make other plans as their prior fundamental right to an abortion was immediately removed. There were no further conversations, elections, or votes. It no longer matters what the majority supports or what the details are about the lives of those people making the personal decision to have an abortion. All that matters now is the ZIP code someone happens to reside in.
After I completed the first case, the graduating resident on our team expertly completed the remaining procedures. I felt confident that she would be leaving the program able to take care of any patient needing an abortion. She would also be able to manage any emergency that requires the quick evacuation of a uterus. Dread set in as I thought about the residents back home in Florida and other restrictive states. Many of these programs already struggle to provide abortion training, and their ability to do so in a post-Roe world will be near impossible. Around 50% of current ob.gyn. residents are training in a state that is expected to or already has banned abortions.2 Even in states without abortion bans, residents often are not exposed to full spectrum abortion care for a variety of reasons.
During my time in residency, a family planning rotation was developed thanks to a few dedicated educators. While there were no laws prohibiting abortion at that time, like most hospitals in the state, our primary training site only allowed terminations for a select list of indications. An all too familiar story was the transfer of a patient from a nearby hospital after a failed multiday induction for a pregnancy loss or lethal fetal anomaly. They would arrive with heavy bleeding, infections, and hemodynamic instability. Most of these patients told us they were only offered an induction because there were no providers who could or would perform a dilation and evacuation. Even at our top-rated hospital, it was often a struggle coordinating emergent care for these patients because of the limited number of proficient abortion providers. These situations will become the new norm across the country as hundreds of residents will no longer learn these critical skills. As a result, these states will see more maternal morbidity and mortality for years to come.
The reversal of Roe v. Wade affects everyone, not just people who can become pregnant. It will have a devastating effect on medical training. It will change the trajectory of people’s careers and it will result in people losing their jobs. I am so proud to be an abortion provider and cannot imagine doing anything else. I am also a proud Floridian and always envisioned a future where I could live near family while caring for the people in my community. After this decision, I don’t what my future holds. I am concerned for the next generation of health care providers. I imagine many medical students may think twice about obstetrics and gynecology given concern about prosecution for exercising the full scope of the specialty. Most importantly, I am afraid for the patients who will no longer have access to essential abortion care. While we all process this traumatic event, the prochoice community of health care providers, lawyers, politicians, researchers, students, organizers, and volunteers will continue the fight for reproductive justice. For now, I will push this feeling of guilt aside as I take advantage of working in this protected space and embrace every opportunity to provide the best abortion care possible.
Dr. Brown is a complex family planning fellow at the University of California, Davis.
References
1. America’s Abortion Quandary [Internet]. Pew Res. Cent. Relig. Public Life Proj. 2022.
2. Vinekar K et al. Obstet Gynecol. 2022.
Since the overturn of Roe v. Wade, my mind has been flooded with the emotions of disappointment, fear, helplessness, and rage. While I process the news and try to move forward, a sense of survivor’s guilt remains. Currently, I am a Complex Family Planning fellow in California, but prior to last year, I spent my entire life in Florida. I continue to provide abortion care without the fear of prosecution. Meanwhile, my family, friends, and colleagues back home remain trapped as they scramble to figure out what to do in the aftermath of this tragedy.
The day the Supreme Court decision was announced, I was in the operating room performing an abortion. As I went through a 24-week dilation and evacuation procedure, I could hear my phone vibrating as text messages and social media alerts started to flood in. Those who have met me know how much I care about reproductive rights. I was not surprised when family, friends, and former colleagues reached out to check on me. While I appreciated the support, I could not help but think how it was not me who needed the comforting. I did not have to question whether my team could complete our full day of abortion procedures. I knew there were providers across the country making devastating calls canceling and denying appointments for patients needing abortion care. They were meeting with their staffs, administrators, and lawyers, and fielding responses from the media. I thought about all the patients and the fear they must be experiencing as they scrambled to make arrangements for possible travel to other clinics or self-management of their abortion. I know that for many, their only option is forced pregnancy.
Like any other day, the patients we cared for that day were seeking an abortion for a variety of reasons. There was a patient who recently learned her desired pregnancy was complicated by a lethal fetal malformation. One patient shared that she experienced contraception failure. Another patient feared pregnancy because her last pregnancy was complicated by severe preeclampsia and hemorrhage. Our last patient told us she missed her period and knew she did not want to be pregnant. While each individual experience is unique, these stories are not exclusive to people living in California – these stories are the same ones I heard from patients and friends seeking an abortion in Florida - across the country.
The Supreme Court majority argued it was handing the question of abortion over to the states and their voters to decide. Recent surveys found 61% of U.S. adults believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases,1 but in several states, within hours to days of the SCOTUS decision, patients were forced to make other plans as their prior fundamental right to an abortion was immediately removed. There were no further conversations, elections, or votes. It no longer matters what the majority supports or what the details are about the lives of those people making the personal decision to have an abortion. All that matters now is the ZIP code someone happens to reside in.
After I completed the first case, the graduating resident on our team expertly completed the remaining procedures. I felt confident that she would be leaving the program able to take care of any patient needing an abortion. She would also be able to manage any emergency that requires the quick evacuation of a uterus. Dread set in as I thought about the residents back home in Florida and other restrictive states. Many of these programs already struggle to provide abortion training, and their ability to do so in a post-Roe world will be near impossible. Around 50% of current ob.gyn. residents are training in a state that is expected to or already has banned abortions.2 Even in states without abortion bans, residents often are not exposed to full spectrum abortion care for a variety of reasons.
During my time in residency, a family planning rotation was developed thanks to a few dedicated educators. While there were no laws prohibiting abortion at that time, like most hospitals in the state, our primary training site only allowed terminations for a select list of indications. An all too familiar story was the transfer of a patient from a nearby hospital after a failed multiday induction for a pregnancy loss or lethal fetal anomaly. They would arrive with heavy bleeding, infections, and hemodynamic instability. Most of these patients told us they were only offered an induction because there were no providers who could or would perform a dilation and evacuation. Even at our top-rated hospital, it was often a struggle coordinating emergent care for these patients because of the limited number of proficient abortion providers. These situations will become the new norm across the country as hundreds of residents will no longer learn these critical skills. As a result, these states will see more maternal morbidity and mortality for years to come.
The reversal of Roe v. Wade affects everyone, not just people who can become pregnant. It will have a devastating effect on medical training. It will change the trajectory of people’s careers and it will result in people losing their jobs. I am so proud to be an abortion provider and cannot imagine doing anything else. I am also a proud Floridian and always envisioned a future where I could live near family while caring for the people in my community. After this decision, I don’t what my future holds. I am concerned for the next generation of health care providers. I imagine many medical students may think twice about obstetrics and gynecology given concern about prosecution for exercising the full scope of the specialty. Most importantly, I am afraid for the patients who will no longer have access to essential abortion care. While we all process this traumatic event, the prochoice community of health care providers, lawyers, politicians, researchers, students, organizers, and volunteers will continue the fight for reproductive justice. For now, I will push this feeling of guilt aside as I take advantage of working in this protected space and embrace every opportunity to provide the best abortion care possible.
Dr. Brown is a complex family planning fellow at the University of California, Davis.
References
1. America’s Abortion Quandary [Internet]. Pew Res. Cent. Relig. Public Life Proj. 2022.
2. Vinekar K et al. Obstet Gynecol. 2022.
Since the overturn of Roe v. Wade, my mind has been flooded with the emotions of disappointment, fear, helplessness, and rage. While I process the news and try to move forward, a sense of survivor’s guilt remains. Currently, I am a Complex Family Planning fellow in California, but prior to last year, I spent my entire life in Florida. I continue to provide abortion care without the fear of prosecution. Meanwhile, my family, friends, and colleagues back home remain trapped as they scramble to figure out what to do in the aftermath of this tragedy.
The day the Supreme Court decision was announced, I was in the operating room performing an abortion. As I went through a 24-week dilation and evacuation procedure, I could hear my phone vibrating as text messages and social media alerts started to flood in. Those who have met me know how much I care about reproductive rights. I was not surprised when family, friends, and former colleagues reached out to check on me. While I appreciated the support, I could not help but think how it was not me who needed the comforting. I did not have to question whether my team could complete our full day of abortion procedures. I knew there were providers across the country making devastating calls canceling and denying appointments for patients needing abortion care. They were meeting with their staffs, administrators, and lawyers, and fielding responses from the media. I thought about all the patients and the fear they must be experiencing as they scrambled to make arrangements for possible travel to other clinics or self-management of their abortion. I know that for many, their only option is forced pregnancy.
Like any other day, the patients we cared for that day were seeking an abortion for a variety of reasons. There was a patient who recently learned her desired pregnancy was complicated by a lethal fetal malformation. One patient shared that she experienced contraception failure. Another patient feared pregnancy because her last pregnancy was complicated by severe preeclampsia and hemorrhage. Our last patient told us she missed her period and knew she did not want to be pregnant. While each individual experience is unique, these stories are not exclusive to people living in California – these stories are the same ones I heard from patients and friends seeking an abortion in Florida - across the country.
The Supreme Court majority argued it was handing the question of abortion over to the states and their voters to decide. Recent surveys found 61% of U.S. adults believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases,1 but in several states, within hours to days of the SCOTUS decision, patients were forced to make other plans as their prior fundamental right to an abortion was immediately removed. There were no further conversations, elections, or votes. It no longer matters what the majority supports or what the details are about the lives of those people making the personal decision to have an abortion. All that matters now is the ZIP code someone happens to reside in.
After I completed the first case, the graduating resident on our team expertly completed the remaining procedures. I felt confident that she would be leaving the program able to take care of any patient needing an abortion. She would also be able to manage any emergency that requires the quick evacuation of a uterus. Dread set in as I thought about the residents back home in Florida and other restrictive states. Many of these programs already struggle to provide abortion training, and their ability to do so in a post-Roe world will be near impossible. Around 50% of current ob.gyn. residents are training in a state that is expected to or already has banned abortions.2 Even in states without abortion bans, residents often are not exposed to full spectrum abortion care for a variety of reasons.
During my time in residency, a family planning rotation was developed thanks to a few dedicated educators. While there were no laws prohibiting abortion at that time, like most hospitals in the state, our primary training site only allowed terminations for a select list of indications. An all too familiar story was the transfer of a patient from a nearby hospital after a failed multiday induction for a pregnancy loss or lethal fetal anomaly. They would arrive with heavy bleeding, infections, and hemodynamic instability. Most of these patients told us they were only offered an induction because there were no providers who could or would perform a dilation and evacuation. Even at our top-rated hospital, it was often a struggle coordinating emergent care for these patients because of the limited number of proficient abortion providers. These situations will become the new norm across the country as hundreds of residents will no longer learn these critical skills. As a result, these states will see more maternal morbidity and mortality for years to come.
The reversal of Roe v. Wade affects everyone, not just people who can become pregnant. It will have a devastating effect on medical training. It will change the trajectory of people’s careers and it will result in people losing their jobs. I am so proud to be an abortion provider and cannot imagine doing anything else. I am also a proud Floridian and always envisioned a future where I could live near family while caring for the people in my community. After this decision, I don’t what my future holds. I am concerned for the next generation of health care providers. I imagine many medical students may think twice about obstetrics and gynecology given concern about prosecution for exercising the full scope of the specialty. Most importantly, I am afraid for the patients who will no longer have access to essential abortion care. While we all process this traumatic event, the prochoice community of health care providers, lawyers, politicians, researchers, students, organizers, and volunteers will continue the fight for reproductive justice. For now, I will push this feeling of guilt aside as I take advantage of working in this protected space and embrace every opportunity to provide the best abortion care possible.
Dr. Brown is a complex family planning fellow at the University of California, Davis.
References
1. America’s Abortion Quandary [Internet]. Pew Res. Cent. Relig. Public Life Proj. 2022.
2. Vinekar K et al. Obstet Gynecol. 2022.
In some states, voters will get to decide the future of abortion rights
As states grapple with the future of abortion in the United States, Michigan, California, and Vermont could become the first states to let voters decide whether the right to abortion should be written into the state constitution.
In Michigan, a proposed constitutional amendment would override a 90-year-old state law that makes abortion a felony even in cases of rape or incest. The U.S. Supreme Court’s overturning of Roe v. Wade could revive that abortion ban – and has galvanized abortion-rights advocates to secure new protections.
Some of the momentum is coming from activists getting involved for the first time.
“I wanted to do something, but I had no political experience or really any experience in activism,” said Amanda Mazur, who lives in rural northwestern Michigan. “But I thought, ‘Maybe I can volunteer and just offer something tangible to the movement.’”
Michigan organizers like Ms. Mazur submitted more than 750,000 signatures – a record number, they said – to state election officials in hopes of having the amendment appear on the November ballot.
If just over half those signatures are validated, Michigan voters will decide whether to amend the state’s constitution to guarantee broad individual rights to “reproductive freedom” that would cover abortion, contraception, and fertility treatments. It would also prevent the state from regulating abortions later in pregnancy if the patient’s “physical or mental health” is at risk.
The ballot initiative has the backing of medical groups like the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, while conservative groups have called it radical and dangerous, claiming it would “allow late-term abortions for practically any reason.”
In California, the push to expand abortion access starts from a very different vantage point: The right to abortion is protected in state statute. And voters will be asked whether they want to enshrine it in the constitution. Proposition 1, which will be on the ballot in November, would prohibit the state from interfering with Californians’ reproductive health decisions, including those related to abortion or contraception.
“I want to know for sure that that right is protected,” state Sen. Toni Atkins (D-Calif.), the Democratic leader in the Senate and lead author of the amendment, said at a legislative hearing in June. “We are protecting ourselves from future courts and future politicians.”
The amendment is one strategy that several California lawmakers are pursuing to protect abortion access in the state. Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, has signed legislation to eliminate out-of-pocket expenses for abortion for most Californians and to protect California providers that offer abortion services from lawsuits in other states. The recent state budget deal also includes $200 million for reproductive and abortion care.
Earlier in July, Vermont Gov. Phil Scott, a Republican, announced that Proposal 5 will be on the November ballot. He said in a statement: “In Vermont, we solidified the right to choose in law, and now Vermonters have the opportunity to further protect that right in our constitution.”
For Ms. Mazur, the desire to “do something” started in 2017, when she and her husband gave their daughter, then 2 years old, some happy news: She was going to be a big sister. The family was thrilled.
But then doctors told Ms. Mazur something was wrong.
“I found out halfway through the pregnancy that the baby my husband and I hoped for suffered from a rare and life-limiting genetic condition,” Ms. Mazur said. “We ultimately made the compassionate choice to end the pregnancy for my well-being, and for the well-being of our family, and the life of what we thought would be our child.”
Devastated, Ms. Mazur turned to a national online support group and met people having similar experiences. But many group members said they were having a tough time finding a way to terminate their pregnancies.
“It really broke my heart that you’re going through this already devastating experience but have to travel far away from your home across the country ... [and] advocate for yourself like crazy just to get care that you have decided with your doctor is best for you,” Ms. Mazur said.
At the time, abortion rights in Michigan seemed pretty stable, but Ms. Mazur’s political awakening found an outlet this year.
Reproductive Freedom for All, a petition group backed by the American Civil Liberties Union of Michigan and Planned Parenthood Advocates of Michigan, was gathering signatures for the constitutional amendment to enshrine abortion protections in state law. The effort took on new urgency in May after a draft of the Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization was leaked and then published.
“Folks realized that this big, scary thing that they did not think would happen might actually happen,” said Jessica Ayoub, a field organizer with the ACLU of Michigan.
Some Michiganders were registering to vote just to be eligible to sign the petition. Jaynie Hoerauf, a 62-year-old attorney in Farwell, drove 40 miles to attend a rally where she knew she could sign it.
“A bunch of us were so ticked off [about Roe being overturned], and we were talking about it. And I was like, ‘I’m just going to go on and find where I can sign the stupid petition,’” Ms. Hoerauf said.
Activists on both sides of the abortion-rights debate expect to spend millions of dollars. They predict that donations will pour in from outside Michigan and that voters in other states will be watching.
“This is just the start of our fight,” Ms. Ayoub said. “We know that it is a long road to November.”
KHN correspondent Rachel Bluth contributed to this report. This story is part of a partnership that includes Michigan Radio, NPR, and KHN. KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.
As states grapple with the future of abortion in the United States, Michigan, California, and Vermont could become the first states to let voters decide whether the right to abortion should be written into the state constitution.
In Michigan, a proposed constitutional amendment would override a 90-year-old state law that makes abortion a felony even in cases of rape or incest. The U.S. Supreme Court’s overturning of Roe v. Wade could revive that abortion ban – and has galvanized abortion-rights advocates to secure new protections.
Some of the momentum is coming from activists getting involved for the first time.
“I wanted to do something, but I had no political experience or really any experience in activism,” said Amanda Mazur, who lives in rural northwestern Michigan. “But I thought, ‘Maybe I can volunteer and just offer something tangible to the movement.’”
Michigan organizers like Ms. Mazur submitted more than 750,000 signatures – a record number, they said – to state election officials in hopes of having the amendment appear on the November ballot.
If just over half those signatures are validated, Michigan voters will decide whether to amend the state’s constitution to guarantee broad individual rights to “reproductive freedom” that would cover abortion, contraception, and fertility treatments. It would also prevent the state from regulating abortions later in pregnancy if the patient’s “physical or mental health” is at risk.
The ballot initiative has the backing of medical groups like the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, while conservative groups have called it radical and dangerous, claiming it would “allow late-term abortions for practically any reason.”
In California, the push to expand abortion access starts from a very different vantage point: The right to abortion is protected in state statute. And voters will be asked whether they want to enshrine it in the constitution. Proposition 1, which will be on the ballot in November, would prohibit the state from interfering with Californians’ reproductive health decisions, including those related to abortion or contraception.
“I want to know for sure that that right is protected,” state Sen. Toni Atkins (D-Calif.), the Democratic leader in the Senate and lead author of the amendment, said at a legislative hearing in June. “We are protecting ourselves from future courts and future politicians.”
The amendment is one strategy that several California lawmakers are pursuing to protect abortion access in the state. Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, has signed legislation to eliminate out-of-pocket expenses for abortion for most Californians and to protect California providers that offer abortion services from lawsuits in other states. The recent state budget deal also includes $200 million for reproductive and abortion care.
Earlier in July, Vermont Gov. Phil Scott, a Republican, announced that Proposal 5 will be on the November ballot. He said in a statement: “In Vermont, we solidified the right to choose in law, and now Vermonters have the opportunity to further protect that right in our constitution.”
For Ms. Mazur, the desire to “do something” started in 2017, when she and her husband gave their daughter, then 2 years old, some happy news: She was going to be a big sister. The family was thrilled.
But then doctors told Ms. Mazur something was wrong.
“I found out halfway through the pregnancy that the baby my husband and I hoped for suffered from a rare and life-limiting genetic condition,” Ms. Mazur said. “We ultimately made the compassionate choice to end the pregnancy for my well-being, and for the well-being of our family, and the life of what we thought would be our child.”
Devastated, Ms. Mazur turned to a national online support group and met people having similar experiences. But many group members said they were having a tough time finding a way to terminate their pregnancies.
“It really broke my heart that you’re going through this already devastating experience but have to travel far away from your home across the country ... [and] advocate for yourself like crazy just to get care that you have decided with your doctor is best for you,” Ms. Mazur said.
At the time, abortion rights in Michigan seemed pretty stable, but Ms. Mazur’s political awakening found an outlet this year.
Reproductive Freedom for All, a petition group backed by the American Civil Liberties Union of Michigan and Planned Parenthood Advocates of Michigan, was gathering signatures for the constitutional amendment to enshrine abortion protections in state law. The effort took on new urgency in May after a draft of the Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization was leaked and then published.
“Folks realized that this big, scary thing that they did not think would happen might actually happen,” said Jessica Ayoub, a field organizer with the ACLU of Michigan.
Some Michiganders were registering to vote just to be eligible to sign the petition. Jaynie Hoerauf, a 62-year-old attorney in Farwell, drove 40 miles to attend a rally where she knew she could sign it.
“A bunch of us were so ticked off [about Roe being overturned], and we were talking about it. And I was like, ‘I’m just going to go on and find where I can sign the stupid petition,’” Ms. Hoerauf said.
Activists on both sides of the abortion-rights debate expect to spend millions of dollars. They predict that donations will pour in from outside Michigan and that voters in other states will be watching.
“This is just the start of our fight,” Ms. Ayoub said. “We know that it is a long road to November.”
KHN correspondent Rachel Bluth contributed to this report. This story is part of a partnership that includes Michigan Radio, NPR, and KHN. KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.
As states grapple with the future of abortion in the United States, Michigan, California, and Vermont could become the first states to let voters decide whether the right to abortion should be written into the state constitution.
In Michigan, a proposed constitutional amendment would override a 90-year-old state law that makes abortion a felony even in cases of rape or incest. The U.S. Supreme Court’s overturning of Roe v. Wade could revive that abortion ban – and has galvanized abortion-rights advocates to secure new protections.
Some of the momentum is coming from activists getting involved for the first time.
“I wanted to do something, but I had no political experience or really any experience in activism,” said Amanda Mazur, who lives in rural northwestern Michigan. “But I thought, ‘Maybe I can volunteer and just offer something tangible to the movement.’”
Michigan organizers like Ms. Mazur submitted more than 750,000 signatures – a record number, they said – to state election officials in hopes of having the amendment appear on the November ballot.
If just over half those signatures are validated, Michigan voters will decide whether to amend the state’s constitution to guarantee broad individual rights to “reproductive freedom” that would cover abortion, contraception, and fertility treatments. It would also prevent the state from regulating abortions later in pregnancy if the patient’s “physical or mental health” is at risk.
The ballot initiative has the backing of medical groups like the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, while conservative groups have called it radical and dangerous, claiming it would “allow late-term abortions for practically any reason.”
In California, the push to expand abortion access starts from a very different vantage point: The right to abortion is protected in state statute. And voters will be asked whether they want to enshrine it in the constitution. Proposition 1, which will be on the ballot in November, would prohibit the state from interfering with Californians’ reproductive health decisions, including those related to abortion or contraception.
“I want to know for sure that that right is protected,” state Sen. Toni Atkins (D-Calif.), the Democratic leader in the Senate and lead author of the amendment, said at a legislative hearing in June. “We are protecting ourselves from future courts and future politicians.”
The amendment is one strategy that several California lawmakers are pursuing to protect abortion access in the state. Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, has signed legislation to eliminate out-of-pocket expenses for abortion for most Californians and to protect California providers that offer abortion services from lawsuits in other states. The recent state budget deal also includes $200 million for reproductive and abortion care.
Earlier in July, Vermont Gov. Phil Scott, a Republican, announced that Proposal 5 will be on the November ballot. He said in a statement: “In Vermont, we solidified the right to choose in law, and now Vermonters have the opportunity to further protect that right in our constitution.”
For Ms. Mazur, the desire to “do something” started in 2017, when she and her husband gave their daughter, then 2 years old, some happy news: She was going to be a big sister. The family was thrilled.
But then doctors told Ms. Mazur something was wrong.
“I found out halfway through the pregnancy that the baby my husband and I hoped for suffered from a rare and life-limiting genetic condition,” Ms. Mazur said. “We ultimately made the compassionate choice to end the pregnancy for my well-being, and for the well-being of our family, and the life of what we thought would be our child.”
Devastated, Ms. Mazur turned to a national online support group and met people having similar experiences. But many group members said they were having a tough time finding a way to terminate their pregnancies.
“It really broke my heart that you’re going through this already devastating experience but have to travel far away from your home across the country ... [and] advocate for yourself like crazy just to get care that you have decided with your doctor is best for you,” Ms. Mazur said.
At the time, abortion rights in Michigan seemed pretty stable, but Ms. Mazur’s political awakening found an outlet this year.
Reproductive Freedom for All, a petition group backed by the American Civil Liberties Union of Michigan and Planned Parenthood Advocates of Michigan, was gathering signatures for the constitutional amendment to enshrine abortion protections in state law. The effort took on new urgency in May after a draft of the Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization was leaked and then published.
“Folks realized that this big, scary thing that they did not think would happen might actually happen,” said Jessica Ayoub, a field organizer with the ACLU of Michigan.
Some Michiganders were registering to vote just to be eligible to sign the petition. Jaynie Hoerauf, a 62-year-old attorney in Farwell, drove 40 miles to attend a rally where she knew she could sign it.
“A bunch of us were so ticked off [about Roe being overturned], and we were talking about it. And I was like, ‘I’m just going to go on and find where I can sign the stupid petition,’” Ms. Hoerauf said.
Activists on both sides of the abortion-rights debate expect to spend millions of dollars. They predict that donations will pour in from outside Michigan and that voters in other states will be watching.
“This is just the start of our fight,” Ms. Ayoub said. “We know that it is a long road to November.”
KHN correspondent Rachel Bluth contributed to this report. This story is part of a partnership that includes Michigan Radio, NPR, and KHN. KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.
COVID-19 infection late in pregnancy linked to sevenfold risk of preterm birth
Pregnant women who get infected with SARS-CoV-2 in their third trimester are almost three times as likely to have a preterm birth, while infection after 34 weeks’ gestation raises this risk sevenfold, based on the largest matched population-based cohort study published to date.
These findings support previous studies, underscoring the need for pregnant women and their families to take preventive measures against infection, lead author Noga Fallach, MA, of the Kahn-Sagol-Maccabi Research and Innovation Center, Tel Aviv, and colleagues reported.
Past research has suggested that COVID-19 may cause low birth weights and preterm birth in pregnant women, but those studies didn’t report outcomes for each trimester, the investigators wrote in PLoS ONE, noting that “timing of viral infection during fetal development may affect birth and other health outcomes.”
To address this knowledge gap, the investigators looked back at data from 2,703 pregnant women in Israel who tested positive for SARS-CoV-2 from Feb. 21, 2020, to July 2, 2021. Pregnancy outcomes in these women were compared with outcomes in an equal number of uninfected pregnant women. Vaccination status was not reported.
Comparing the two groups showed that catching COVID-19 in the third trimester was linked with nearly triple the risk of preterm birth (odds ratio, 2.76; 95% confidence interval, 1.63-4.67), and more than quadruple the risk if COVID-19 symptoms were present (OR, 4.28; 95% CI, 1.94-9.41). Women who tested positive for SARS-CoV-2 after 34 weeks’ gestation were seven times more likely than uninfected women to deliver early (OR, 7.10; 95% CI, 2.44-20.61).
Pregnant women who caught COVID-19 in the first two trimesters were not significantly more likely to have a preterm birth. Infection was not associated with abnormally low birth rates, or pregnancy loss, in any trimester.
Tal Patalon, MD, coauthor and head of the Kahn-Sagol-Maccabi Research and Innovation Center, focused on these more optimistic findings in an interview.
“The results are encouraging, and reassuring that COVID-19 infection during pregnancy is not associated with any type of pregnancy loss,” Dr. Patalon said.
She also pointed out that the women in the study were infected with SARS-CoV-2 variants that are no longer common.
“It should be remembered that the research group tested the COVID-19 pre-Delta variants, and does not refer to the dominant variant today, which is Omicron,” Dr. Patalon said.
Still, the investigators concluded that the “results underline the importance of preventive measures taken against SARS-CoV-2 infection among pregnant women and their families.”
Sonja A. Rasmussen, MD, of the University of Florida, Gainesville, said that the issue with out-of-date variants in published research has been one of the “real challenges” in studying the ever-evolving COVID-19 pandemic; however, it’s not a good enough reason to dismiss this study.
“I think at this point, we need to assume that it applies to Omicron too,” Dr. Rasmussen said, noting that other respiratory viruses, like influenza, have also been shown to increase the risk of preterm birth when contracted in late pregnancy.
While the present findings highlight the risk of infection in the third trimester, Dr. Rasmussen advised women in all stages of pregnancy to protect themselves against COVID-19, based on the knowledge that illness in a mother can affect normal growth and development in a fetus, even if it doesn’t lead to preterm birth.
“A mom getting sick during pregnancy is not good for the baby,” Dr. Rasmussen said. “The baby’s really dependent on the mom. So you want that baby to have good nutrition throughout the pregnancy. It’s just as important earlier on as later. And you want that baby to get good oxygenation no matter what time [in the pregnancy]. I know that people want a little bit of a break [from preventive measures]. But I would emphasize that if you’re pregnant, we do all sorts of things during pregnancy to make sure that our babies are safe and healthy, and I would continue that for the whole pregnancy.”
Specifically, Dr. Rasmussen advised social distancing, use of an N95 mask, and vaccination. Getting vaccinated during pregnancy helps newborns fight off infection until 6 months of age, she added, when they become eligible for vaccination themselves. This added benefit was recently reported in a study published in the New England Journal of Medicine , for which Dr. Rasmussen cowrote an editorial .
“Vaccines have been approved for 6 months and older,” Dr. Rasmussen said. “But what do you do in those first 6 months of life? That’s a high-risk time for kids.”
Despite these risks, convincing pregnant women to get vaccinated remains a key challenge for health care providers, according to Dr. Rasmussen, even with an abundance of safety data. “Early on [in the pandemic], we said we didn’t know a lot about risks. We knew that other vaccines were safe during pregnancy, but we didn’t have a lot of information about a COVID-19 vaccine. But now we have a lot of data on safety during pregnancy, and these vaccines appear to be completely safe, based on the information we have. There have been many, many pregnant women vaccinated in the United States and in other countries.”
For reluctant expecting mothers, Dr. Rasmussen offered some words of advice: “I know that you worry about anything you do when you’re pregnant. But this is something that you can do to help your baby – now, to make a preterm birth less likely, and later, after the baby is born.
“The most important thing is for the pregnant person to hear this [vaccine recommendation] from their doctor,” she added. “If they’re going to listen to anybody, they’re going to listen to their physician. That’s what the data have shown for a long time.”
The investigators and Dr. Rasmussen disclosed no conflicts of interest.
Pregnant women who get infected with SARS-CoV-2 in their third trimester are almost three times as likely to have a preterm birth, while infection after 34 weeks’ gestation raises this risk sevenfold, based on the largest matched population-based cohort study published to date.
These findings support previous studies, underscoring the need for pregnant women and their families to take preventive measures against infection, lead author Noga Fallach, MA, of the Kahn-Sagol-Maccabi Research and Innovation Center, Tel Aviv, and colleagues reported.
Past research has suggested that COVID-19 may cause low birth weights and preterm birth in pregnant women, but those studies didn’t report outcomes for each trimester, the investigators wrote in PLoS ONE, noting that “timing of viral infection during fetal development may affect birth and other health outcomes.”
To address this knowledge gap, the investigators looked back at data from 2,703 pregnant women in Israel who tested positive for SARS-CoV-2 from Feb. 21, 2020, to July 2, 2021. Pregnancy outcomes in these women were compared with outcomes in an equal number of uninfected pregnant women. Vaccination status was not reported.
Comparing the two groups showed that catching COVID-19 in the third trimester was linked with nearly triple the risk of preterm birth (odds ratio, 2.76; 95% confidence interval, 1.63-4.67), and more than quadruple the risk if COVID-19 symptoms were present (OR, 4.28; 95% CI, 1.94-9.41). Women who tested positive for SARS-CoV-2 after 34 weeks’ gestation were seven times more likely than uninfected women to deliver early (OR, 7.10; 95% CI, 2.44-20.61).
Pregnant women who caught COVID-19 in the first two trimesters were not significantly more likely to have a preterm birth. Infection was not associated with abnormally low birth rates, or pregnancy loss, in any trimester.
Tal Patalon, MD, coauthor and head of the Kahn-Sagol-Maccabi Research and Innovation Center, focused on these more optimistic findings in an interview.
“The results are encouraging, and reassuring that COVID-19 infection during pregnancy is not associated with any type of pregnancy loss,” Dr. Patalon said.
She also pointed out that the women in the study were infected with SARS-CoV-2 variants that are no longer common.
“It should be remembered that the research group tested the COVID-19 pre-Delta variants, and does not refer to the dominant variant today, which is Omicron,” Dr. Patalon said.
Still, the investigators concluded that the “results underline the importance of preventive measures taken against SARS-CoV-2 infection among pregnant women and their families.”
Sonja A. Rasmussen, MD, of the University of Florida, Gainesville, said that the issue with out-of-date variants in published research has been one of the “real challenges” in studying the ever-evolving COVID-19 pandemic; however, it’s not a good enough reason to dismiss this study.
“I think at this point, we need to assume that it applies to Omicron too,” Dr. Rasmussen said, noting that other respiratory viruses, like influenza, have also been shown to increase the risk of preterm birth when contracted in late pregnancy.
While the present findings highlight the risk of infection in the third trimester, Dr. Rasmussen advised women in all stages of pregnancy to protect themselves against COVID-19, based on the knowledge that illness in a mother can affect normal growth and development in a fetus, even if it doesn’t lead to preterm birth.
“A mom getting sick during pregnancy is not good for the baby,” Dr. Rasmussen said. “The baby’s really dependent on the mom. So you want that baby to have good nutrition throughout the pregnancy. It’s just as important earlier on as later. And you want that baby to get good oxygenation no matter what time [in the pregnancy]. I know that people want a little bit of a break [from preventive measures]. But I would emphasize that if you’re pregnant, we do all sorts of things during pregnancy to make sure that our babies are safe and healthy, and I would continue that for the whole pregnancy.”
Specifically, Dr. Rasmussen advised social distancing, use of an N95 mask, and vaccination. Getting vaccinated during pregnancy helps newborns fight off infection until 6 months of age, she added, when they become eligible for vaccination themselves. This added benefit was recently reported in a study published in the New England Journal of Medicine , for which Dr. Rasmussen cowrote an editorial .
“Vaccines have been approved for 6 months and older,” Dr. Rasmussen said. “But what do you do in those first 6 months of life? That’s a high-risk time for kids.”
Despite these risks, convincing pregnant women to get vaccinated remains a key challenge for health care providers, according to Dr. Rasmussen, even with an abundance of safety data. “Early on [in the pandemic], we said we didn’t know a lot about risks. We knew that other vaccines were safe during pregnancy, but we didn’t have a lot of information about a COVID-19 vaccine. But now we have a lot of data on safety during pregnancy, and these vaccines appear to be completely safe, based on the information we have. There have been many, many pregnant women vaccinated in the United States and in other countries.”
For reluctant expecting mothers, Dr. Rasmussen offered some words of advice: “I know that you worry about anything you do when you’re pregnant. But this is something that you can do to help your baby – now, to make a preterm birth less likely, and later, after the baby is born.
“The most important thing is for the pregnant person to hear this [vaccine recommendation] from their doctor,” she added. “If they’re going to listen to anybody, they’re going to listen to their physician. That’s what the data have shown for a long time.”
The investigators and Dr. Rasmussen disclosed no conflicts of interest.
Pregnant women who get infected with SARS-CoV-2 in their third trimester are almost three times as likely to have a preterm birth, while infection after 34 weeks’ gestation raises this risk sevenfold, based on the largest matched population-based cohort study published to date.
These findings support previous studies, underscoring the need for pregnant women and their families to take preventive measures against infection, lead author Noga Fallach, MA, of the Kahn-Sagol-Maccabi Research and Innovation Center, Tel Aviv, and colleagues reported.
Past research has suggested that COVID-19 may cause low birth weights and preterm birth in pregnant women, but those studies didn’t report outcomes for each trimester, the investigators wrote in PLoS ONE, noting that “timing of viral infection during fetal development may affect birth and other health outcomes.”
To address this knowledge gap, the investigators looked back at data from 2,703 pregnant women in Israel who tested positive for SARS-CoV-2 from Feb. 21, 2020, to July 2, 2021. Pregnancy outcomes in these women were compared with outcomes in an equal number of uninfected pregnant women. Vaccination status was not reported.
Comparing the two groups showed that catching COVID-19 in the third trimester was linked with nearly triple the risk of preterm birth (odds ratio, 2.76; 95% confidence interval, 1.63-4.67), and more than quadruple the risk if COVID-19 symptoms were present (OR, 4.28; 95% CI, 1.94-9.41). Women who tested positive for SARS-CoV-2 after 34 weeks’ gestation were seven times more likely than uninfected women to deliver early (OR, 7.10; 95% CI, 2.44-20.61).
Pregnant women who caught COVID-19 in the first two trimesters were not significantly more likely to have a preterm birth. Infection was not associated with abnormally low birth rates, or pregnancy loss, in any trimester.
Tal Patalon, MD, coauthor and head of the Kahn-Sagol-Maccabi Research and Innovation Center, focused on these more optimistic findings in an interview.
“The results are encouraging, and reassuring that COVID-19 infection during pregnancy is not associated with any type of pregnancy loss,” Dr. Patalon said.
She also pointed out that the women in the study were infected with SARS-CoV-2 variants that are no longer common.
“It should be remembered that the research group tested the COVID-19 pre-Delta variants, and does not refer to the dominant variant today, which is Omicron,” Dr. Patalon said.
Still, the investigators concluded that the “results underline the importance of preventive measures taken against SARS-CoV-2 infection among pregnant women and their families.”
Sonja A. Rasmussen, MD, of the University of Florida, Gainesville, said that the issue with out-of-date variants in published research has been one of the “real challenges” in studying the ever-evolving COVID-19 pandemic; however, it’s not a good enough reason to dismiss this study.
“I think at this point, we need to assume that it applies to Omicron too,” Dr. Rasmussen said, noting that other respiratory viruses, like influenza, have also been shown to increase the risk of preterm birth when contracted in late pregnancy.
While the present findings highlight the risk of infection in the third trimester, Dr. Rasmussen advised women in all stages of pregnancy to protect themselves against COVID-19, based on the knowledge that illness in a mother can affect normal growth and development in a fetus, even if it doesn’t lead to preterm birth.
“A mom getting sick during pregnancy is not good for the baby,” Dr. Rasmussen said. “The baby’s really dependent on the mom. So you want that baby to have good nutrition throughout the pregnancy. It’s just as important earlier on as later. And you want that baby to get good oxygenation no matter what time [in the pregnancy]. I know that people want a little bit of a break [from preventive measures]. But I would emphasize that if you’re pregnant, we do all sorts of things during pregnancy to make sure that our babies are safe and healthy, and I would continue that for the whole pregnancy.”
Specifically, Dr. Rasmussen advised social distancing, use of an N95 mask, and vaccination. Getting vaccinated during pregnancy helps newborns fight off infection until 6 months of age, she added, when they become eligible for vaccination themselves. This added benefit was recently reported in a study published in the New England Journal of Medicine , for which Dr. Rasmussen cowrote an editorial .
“Vaccines have been approved for 6 months and older,” Dr. Rasmussen said. “But what do you do in those first 6 months of life? That’s a high-risk time for kids.”
Despite these risks, convincing pregnant women to get vaccinated remains a key challenge for health care providers, according to Dr. Rasmussen, even with an abundance of safety data. “Early on [in the pandemic], we said we didn’t know a lot about risks. We knew that other vaccines were safe during pregnancy, but we didn’t have a lot of information about a COVID-19 vaccine. But now we have a lot of data on safety during pregnancy, and these vaccines appear to be completely safe, based on the information we have. There have been many, many pregnant women vaccinated in the United States and in other countries.”
For reluctant expecting mothers, Dr. Rasmussen offered some words of advice: “I know that you worry about anything you do when you’re pregnant. But this is something that you can do to help your baby – now, to make a preterm birth less likely, and later, after the baby is born.
“The most important thing is for the pregnant person to hear this [vaccine recommendation] from their doctor,” she added. “If they’re going to listen to anybody, they’re going to listen to their physician. That’s what the data have shown for a long time.”
The investigators and Dr. Rasmussen disclosed no conflicts of interest.
FROM PLOS ONE
Plan B vending machine in Boston goes viral
A Plan B vending machine in Boston is gaining attention as reproductive rights have come into question since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade.
A group of students at Boston University installed the vending machine to dispense emergency contraception at a lower cost for students, according to NBC Boston. Plan B, also known as the morning-after pill, is a form of emergency contraception that can prevent pregnancy after unprotected sex or when another birth control method may have failed.
The vending machine is next to other vending machines filled with drinks and snacks in the basement of the student union at Boston University, NBC Boston reported. The machine contains boxes of levonorgestrel, a generic version of Plan B.
The boxes sell for $7.25, and the machine accepts all major credit cards. The charges are listed as “vending and snacks” on bank statements.
The Students for Reproductive Freedom decided to install the machine after seeing a similar one at Brandeis University, the news outlet reported. The vending machine was installed in March and has sold more than 1,000 emergency contraception pills. Students can also access emergency contraception through the university’s Student Health Services, which orders the contraception for the machine.
“We just wanted something that was low-cost and easy to access,” Charlotte Beatty, former copresident of Students for Reproductive Freedom, told NBC Boston.
“You don’t need to take a train across town. You don’t need to call a doctor,” she said. “It’s right there, and you can get it as soon as you need it.”
The demand for emergency contraception has increased since the Supreme Court overturned Roe. Some retailers have placed limits on how many units can be purchased at one time.
“The overturning of Roe made us even more proud to offer this service to people in our community,” Molly Baker, the group’s other former copresident, told NBC Boston.
Pictures of the vending machine have recently gone viral on social media.
“It’s going viral because people are scared, and this is a solution,” Rebecca Hart Holder, executive director of Reproductive Equity Now, told the news station.
Reproductive Equity Now, a reproductive health care nonprofit in Boston, recently honored the Boston University student group at its annual gala. Although emergency contraception is still legal, people are concerned about the effect that overturning Roe may have on future contraception access cases, Ms. Hart Holder said.
“We have to be fighting and planning for a nation that would restrict access to birth control, which is a terrifying thing to say,” she said.
The Boston University student group is now helping students at other schools who want a Plan B vending machine, and they published a resource guide to help others. They hope to install more machines on their campus and stock them with different types of medication in the future.
Plan B contains a high dose of progestin, a synthetic form of the hormone progesterone, which helps to regulate the menstrual cycle, according to Today. The pill works by inhibiting or delaying ovulation and can be taken within 72 hours after unprotected sex, though it’s most effective when taken within 24 hours. Plan B doesn’t cause an abortion and has no effect on an existing pregnancy.
Plan B and its generic versions can be purchased over the counter at most pharmacies and ordered online from major retailers. Plan B typically costs $40-$50, while generic versions cost $11-$45.
A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.
A Plan B vending machine in Boston is gaining attention as reproductive rights have come into question since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade.
A group of students at Boston University installed the vending machine to dispense emergency contraception at a lower cost for students, according to NBC Boston. Plan B, also known as the morning-after pill, is a form of emergency contraception that can prevent pregnancy after unprotected sex or when another birth control method may have failed.
The vending machine is next to other vending machines filled with drinks and snacks in the basement of the student union at Boston University, NBC Boston reported. The machine contains boxes of levonorgestrel, a generic version of Plan B.
The boxes sell for $7.25, and the machine accepts all major credit cards. The charges are listed as “vending and snacks” on bank statements.
The Students for Reproductive Freedom decided to install the machine after seeing a similar one at Brandeis University, the news outlet reported. The vending machine was installed in March and has sold more than 1,000 emergency contraception pills. Students can also access emergency contraception through the university’s Student Health Services, which orders the contraception for the machine.
“We just wanted something that was low-cost and easy to access,” Charlotte Beatty, former copresident of Students for Reproductive Freedom, told NBC Boston.
“You don’t need to take a train across town. You don’t need to call a doctor,” she said. “It’s right there, and you can get it as soon as you need it.”
The demand for emergency contraception has increased since the Supreme Court overturned Roe. Some retailers have placed limits on how many units can be purchased at one time.
“The overturning of Roe made us even more proud to offer this service to people in our community,” Molly Baker, the group’s other former copresident, told NBC Boston.
Pictures of the vending machine have recently gone viral on social media.
“It’s going viral because people are scared, and this is a solution,” Rebecca Hart Holder, executive director of Reproductive Equity Now, told the news station.
Reproductive Equity Now, a reproductive health care nonprofit in Boston, recently honored the Boston University student group at its annual gala. Although emergency contraception is still legal, people are concerned about the effect that overturning Roe may have on future contraception access cases, Ms. Hart Holder said.
“We have to be fighting and planning for a nation that would restrict access to birth control, which is a terrifying thing to say,” she said.
The Boston University student group is now helping students at other schools who want a Plan B vending machine, and they published a resource guide to help others. They hope to install more machines on their campus and stock them with different types of medication in the future.
Plan B contains a high dose of progestin, a synthetic form of the hormone progesterone, which helps to regulate the menstrual cycle, according to Today. The pill works by inhibiting or delaying ovulation and can be taken within 72 hours after unprotected sex, though it’s most effective when taken within 24 hours. Plan B doesn’t cause an abortion and has no effect on an existing pregnancy.
Plan B and its generic versions can be purchased over the counter at most pharmacies and ordered online from major retailers. Plan B typically costs $40-$50, while generic versions cost $11-$45.
A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.
A Plan B vending machine in Boston is gaining attention as reproductive rights have come into question since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade.
A group of students at Boston University installed the vending machine to dispense emergency contraception at a lower cost for students, according to NBC Boston. Plan B, also known as the morning-after pill, is a form of emergency contraception that can prevent pregnancy after unprotected sex or when another birth control method may have failed.
The vending machine is next to other vending machines filled with drinks and snacks in the basement of the student union at Boston University, NBC Boston reported. The machine contains boxes of levonorgestrel, a generic version of Plan B.
The boxes sell for $7.25, and the machine accepts all major credit cards. The charges are listed as “vending and snacks” on bank statements.
The Students for Reproductive Freedom decided to install the machine after seeing a similar one at Brandeis University, the news outlet reported. The vending machine was installed in March and has sold more than 1,000 emergency contraception pills. Students can also access emergency contraception through the university’s Student Health Services, which orders the contraception for the machine.
“We just wanted something that was low-cost and easy to access,” Charlotte Beatty, former copresident of Students for Reproductive Freedom, told NBC Boston.
“You don’t need to take a train across town. You don’t need to call a doctor,” she said. “It’s right there, and you can get it as soon as you need it.”
The demand for emergency contraception has increased since the Supreme Court overturned Roe. Some retailers have placed limits on how many units can be purchased at one time.
“The overturning of Roe made us even more proud to offer this service to people in our community,” Molly Baker, the group’s other former copresident, told NBC Boston.
Pictures of the vending machine have recently gone viral on social media.
“It’s going viral because people are scared, and this is a solution,” Rebecca Hart Holder, executive director of Reproductive Equity Now, told the news station.
Reproductive Equity Now, a reproductive health care nonprofit in Boston, recently honored the Boston University student group at its annual gala. Although emergency contraception is still legal, people are concerned about the effect that overturning Roe may have on future contraception access cases, Ms. Hart Holder said.
“We have to be fighting and planning for a nation that would restrict access to birth control, which is a terrifying thing to say,” she said.
The Boston University student group is now helping students at other schools who want a Plan B vending machine, and they published a resource guide to help others. They hope to install more machines on their campus and stock them with different types of medication in the future.
Plan B contains a high dose of progestin, a synthetic form of the hormone progesterone, which helps to regulate the menstrual cycle, according to Today. The pill works by inhibiting or delaying ovulation and can be taken within 72 hours after unprotected sex, though it’s most effective when taken within 24 hours. Plan B doesn’t cause an abortion and has no effect on an existing pregnancy.
Plan B and its generic versions can be purchased over the counter at most pharmacies and ordered online from major retailers. Plan B typically costs $40-$50, while generic versions cost $11-$45.
A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.