MDedge Psychiatry

More than 90% of internet users are active on social media, which had 4.76 billion users worldwide in January 2023. The digital revolution has reshaped the news landscape and changed how users interact with information. Social media has fostered an active relationship with the media, including the ability to interact directly with the content presented. It also has augmented media’s ability to reach a large audience with tight deadlines.

These developments suggest that social media can be a useful tool in everyday medical practice for professionals and patients. But social media also can spread misinformation, as happened during the COVID-19 pandemic.

This characteristic is the focus of the latest research by Fabiana Zollo, a computer science professor at Ca’ Foscari University of Venice, Italy, and coordinator of the Data Science for Society laboratory. The research was published in The BMJ. Ms. Zollo’s research group aims to assess the effect of social media on misinformation and consequent behaviors related to health. “The study results focus primarily on two topics, the COVID-19 pandemic and vaccinations, but can also be applied to other health-related behaviors such as smoking and diet,” Ms. Zollo told Univadis Italy.

Social media has become an important tool for public health organizations to inform and educate citizens. Institutions can use it to monitor choices and understand which topics are being discussed most at a given time, thus comprehending how the topics evolve and take shape in public discourse. “This could lead to the emergence of people’s perceptions, allowing us to understand, among other things, what the population’s needs might be, including informational needs,” said Ms. Zollo.
 

Tenuous Causal Link

While social media offers public health organizations the opportunity to inform and engage the public, it also raises concerns about misinformation and the difficulty of measuring its effect on health behavior. Although some studies have observed correlations between exposure to misinformation on social media and levels of adherence to vaccination campaigns, establishing a causal link is complex. As the authors emphasize, “despite the importance of the effect of social media and misinformation on people’s behavior and the broad hypotheses within public and political debates, the current state of the art cannot provide definitive conclusions on a clear causal association between social media and health behaviors.” Establishing a clear causal link between information obtained from social media and offline behavior is challenging due to methodologic limitations and the complexity of connections between online and offline behaviors. Studies often rely on self-reported data, which may not accurately reflect real behaviors, and struggle to isolate the effect of social media from other external influences. Moreover, many studies primarily focus on Western countries, limiting the generalizability of the results to other cultural and geographical conditions.

Another issue highlighted by Ms. Zollo and colleagues is the lack of complete and representative data. Studies often lack detailed information about participants, such as demographic or geolocation data, and rely on limited samples. This lack makes it difficult to assess the effect of misinformation on different segments of the population and in different geographic areas.

“The main methodologic difficulty concerns behavior, which is difficult to measure because it would require tracking a person’s actions over time and having a shared methodology to do so. We need to understand whether online stated intentions do or do not translate into actual behaviors,” said Ms. Zollo. Therefore, despite the recognized importance of the effect of social media and misinformation on people’s general behavior and the broad hypotheses expressed within public and political debates, the current state of the art cannot provide definitive conclusions on a causal association between social media and health behaviors.
 

Institutions’ Role

Social media is a fertile ground for the formation of echo chambers (where users find themselves dialoguing with like-minded people, forming a distorted impression of the real prevalence of that opinion) and for reinforcing polarized positions around certain topics. “We know that on certain topics, especially those related to health, there is a lot of misinformation circulating precisely because it is easy to leverage factors such as fear and beliefs, even the difficulties in understanding the technical aspects of a message,” said Ms. Zollo. Moreover, institutions have not always provided timely information during the pandemic. “Often, when there is a gap in response to a specific informational need, people turn elsewhere, where those questions find answers. And even if the response is not of high quality, it sometimes confirms the idea that the user had already created in their mind.”

The article published in The BMJ aims primarily to provide information and evaluation insights to institutions rather than professionals or healthcare workers. “We would like to spark the interest of institutions and ministries that can analyze this type of data and integrate it into their monitoring system. Social monitoring (the observation of what happens on social media) is a practice that the World Health Organization is also evaluating and trying to integrate with more traditional tools, such as questionnaires. The aim is to understand as well as possible what a population thinks about a particular health measure, such as a vaccine: Through data obtained from social monitoring, a more realistic and comprehensive view of the problem could be achieved,” said Ms. Zollo.
 

A Doctor’s Role

And this is where the doctor comes in: All the information thus obtained allows for identifying the needs that the population expresses and that “could push a patient to turn elsewhere, toward sources that provide answers even if of dubious quality or extremely oversimplified.” The doctor can enter this landscape by trying to understand, even with the data provided by institutions, what needs the patients are trying to fill and what drives them to seek elsewhere and to look for a reference community that offers the relevant confirmations.

From the doctor’s perspective, therefore, it can be useful to understand how these dynamics arise and evolve because they could help improve interactions with patients. At the institutional level, social monitoring would be an excellent tool for providing services to doctors who, in turn, offer a service to patients. If it were possible to identify areas where a disinformation narrative is developing from the outset, both the doctor and the institutions would benefit.
 

Misinformation vs Disinformation

The rapid spread of false or misleading information on social media can undermine trust in healthcare institutions and negatively influence health-related behaviors. Ms. Zollo and colleagues, in fact, speak of misinformation in their discussion, not disinformation. “In English, a distinction is made between misinformation and disinformation, a distinction that we are also adopting in Italian. When we talk about misinformation, we mean information that is generally false, inaccurate, or misleading but has not been created with the intention to harm, an intention that is present in disinformation,” said Ms. Zollo.

The distinction is often not easy to define even at the operational level, but in her studies, Ms. Zollo is mainly interested in understanding how the end user interacts with content, not the purposes for which that content was created. “This allows us to focus on users and the relationships that are created on various social platforms, thus bypassing the author of that information and focusing on how misinformation arises and evolves so that it can be effectively combated before it translates into action (ie, into incorrect health choices),” said Ms. Zollo.
 

This story was translated from Univadis Italy, which is part of the Medscape Professional Network, using several editorial tools, including AI, as part of the process. Human editors reviewed this content before publication. A version of this article appeared on Medscape.com.

More than 90% of internet users are active on social media, which had 4.76 billion users worldwide in January 2023. The digital revolution has reshaped the news landscape and changed how users interact with information. Social media has fostered an active relationship with the media, including the ability to interact directly with the content presented. It also has augmented media’s ability to reach a large audience with tight deadlines.

These developments suggest that social media can be a useful tool in everyday medical practice for professionals and patients. But social media also can spread misinformation, as happened during the COVID-19 pandemic.

This characteristic is the focus of the latest research by Fabiana Zollo, a computer science professor at Ca’ Foscari University of Venice, Italy, and coordinator of the Data Science for Society laboratory. The research was published in The BMJ. Ms. Zollo’s research group aims to assess the effect of social media on misinformation and consequent behaviors related to health. “The study results focus primarily on two topics, the COVID-19 pandemic and vaccinations, but can also be applied to other health-related behaviors such as smoking and diet,” Ms. Zollo told Univadis Italy.

Social media has become an important tool for public health organizations to inform and educate citizens. Institutions can use it to monitor choices and understand which topics are being discussed most at a given time, thus comprehending how the topics evolve and take shape in public discourse. “This could lead to the emergence of people’s perceptions, allowing us to understand, among other things, what the population’s needs might be, including informational needs,” said Ms. Zollo.
 

Tenuous Causal Link

While social media offers public health organizations the opportunity to inform and engage the public, it also raises concerns about misinformation and the difficulty of measuring its effect on health behavior. Although some studies have observed correlations between exposure to misinformation on social media and levels of adherence to vaccination campaigns, establishing a causal link is complex. As the authors emphasize, “despite the importance of the effect of social media and misinformation on people’s behavior and the broad hypotheses within public and political debates, the current state of the art cannot provide definitive conclusions on a clear causal association between social media and health behaviors.” Establishing a clear causal link between information obtained from social media and offline behavior is challenging due to methodologic limitations and the complexity of connections between online and offline behaviors. Studies often rely on self-reported data, which may not accurately reflect real behaviors, and struggle to isolate the effect of social media from other external influences. Moreover, many studies primarily focus on Western countries, limiting the generalizability of the results to other cultural and geographical conditions.

Another issue highlighted by Ms. Zollo and colleagues is the lack of complete and representative data. Studies often lack detailed information about participants, such as demographic or geolocation data, and rely on limited samples. This lack makes it difficult to assess the effect of misinformation on different segments of the population and in different geographic areas.

“The main methodologic difficulty concerns behavior, which is difficult to measure because it would require tracking a person’s actions over time and having a shared methodology to do so. We need to understand whether online stated intentions do or do not translate into actual behaviors,” said Ms. Zollo. Therefore, despite the recognized importance of the effect of social media and misinformation on people’s general behavior and the broad hypotheses expressed within public and political debates, the current state of the art cannot provide definitive conclusions on a causal association between social media and health behaviors.
 

Institutions’ Role

Social media is a fertile ground for the formation of echo chambers (where users find themselves dialoguing with like-minded people, forming a distorted impression of the real prevalence of that opinion) and for reinforcing polarized positions around certain topics. “We know that on certain topics, especially those related to health, there is a lot of misinformation circulating precisely because it is easy to leverage factors such as fear and beliefs, even the difficulties in understanding the technical aspects of a message,” said Ms. Zollo. Moreover, institutions have not always provided timely information during the pandemic. “Often, when there is a gap in response to a specific informational need, people turn elsewhere, where those questions find answers. And even if the response is not of high quality, it sometimes confirms the idea that the user had already created in their mind.”

The article published in The BMJ aims primarily to provide information and evaluation insights to institutions rather than professionals or healthcare workers. “We would like to spark the interest of institutions and ministries that can analyze this type of data and integrate it into their monitoring system. Social monitoring (the observation of what happens on social media) is a practice that the World Health Organization is also evaluating and trying to integrate with more traditional tools, such as questionnaires. The aim is to understand as well as possible what a population thinks about a particular health measure, such as a vaccine: Through data obtained from social monitoring, a more realistic and comprehensive view of the problem could be achieved,” said Ms. Zollo.
 

A Doctor’s Role

And this is where the doctor comes in: All the information thus obtained allows for identifying the needs that the population expresses and that “could push a patient to turn elsewhere, toward sources that provide answers even if of dubious quality or extremely oversimplified.” The doctor can enter this landscape by trying to understand, even with the data provided by institutions, what needs the patients are trying to fill and what drives them to seek elsewhere and to look for a reference community that offers the relevant confirmations.

From the doctor’s perspective, therefore, it can be useful to understand how these dynamics arise and evolve because they could help improve interactions with patients. At the institutional level, social monitoring would be an excellent tool for providing services to doctors who, in turn, offer a service to patients. If it were possible to identify areas where a disinformation narrative is developing from the outset, both the doctor and the institutions would benefit.
 

Misinformation vs Disinformation

The rapid spread of false or misleading information on social media can undermine trust in healthcare institutions and negatively influence health-related behaviors. Ms. Zollo and colleagues, in fact, speak of misinformation in their discussion, not disinformation. “In English, a distinction is made between misinformation and disinformation, a distinction that we are also adopting in Italian. When we talk about misinformation, we mean information that is generally false, inaccurate, or misleading but has not been created with the intention to harm, an intention that is present in disinformation,” said Ms. Zollo.

The distinction is often not easy to define even at the operational level, but in her studies, Ms. Zollo is mainly interested in understanding how the end user interacts with content, not the purposes for which that content was created. “This allows us to focus on users and the relationships that are created on various social platforms, thus bypassing the author of that information and focusing on how misinformation arises and evolves so that it can be effectively combated before it translates into action (ie, into incorrect health choices),” said Ms. Zollo.
 

This story was translated from Univadis Italy, which is part of the Medscape Professional Network, using several editorial tools, including AI, as part of the process. Human editors reviewed this content before publication. A version of this article appeared on Medscape.com.

More than 90% of internet users are active on social media, which had 4.76 billion users worldwide in January 2023. The digital revolution has reshaped the news landscape and changed how users interact with information. Social media has fostered an active relationship with the media, including the ability to interact directly with the content presented. It also has augmented media’s ability to reach a large audience with tight deadlines.

These developments suggest that social media can be a useful tool in everyday medical practice for professionals and patients. But social media also can spread misinformation, as happened during the COVID-19 pandemic.

This characteristic is the focus of the latest research by Fabiana Zollo, a computer science professor at Ca’ Foscari University of Venice, Italy, and coordinator of the Data Science for Society laboratory. The research was published in The BMJ. Ms. Zollo’s research group aims to assess the effect of social media on misinformation and consequent behaviors related to health. “The study results focus primarily on two topics, the COVID-19 pandemic and vaccinations, but can also be applied to other health-related behaviors such as smoking and diet,” Ms. Zollo told Univadis Italy.

Social media has become an important tool for public health organizations to inform and educate citizens. Institutions can use it to monitor choices and understand which topics are being discussed most at a given time, thus comprehending how the topics evolve and take shape in public discourse. “This could lead to the emergence of people’s perceptions, allowing us to understand, among other things, what the population’s needs might be, including informational needs,” said Ms. Zollo.
 

Tenuous Causal Link

While social media offers public health organizations the opportunity to inform and engage the public, it also raises concerns about misinformation and the difficulty of measuring its effect on health behavior. Although some studies have observed correlations between exposure to misinformation on social media and levels of adherence to vaccination campaigns, establishing a causal link is complex. As the authors emphasize, “despite the importance of the effect of social media and misinformation on people’s behavior and the broad hypotheses within public and political debates, the current state of the art cannot provide definitive conclusions on a clear causal association between social media and health behaviors.” Establishing a clear causal link between information obtained from social media and offline behavior is challenging due to methodologic limitations and the complexity of connections between online and offline behaviors. Studies often rely on self-reported data, which may not accurately reflect real behaviors, and struggle to isolate the effect of social media from other external influences. Moreover, many studies primarily focus on Western countries, limiting the generalizability of the results to other cultural and geographical conditions.

Another issue highlighted by Ms. Zollo and colleagues is the lack of complete and representative data. Studies often lack detailed information about participants, such as demographic or geolocation data, and rely on limited samples. This lack makes it difficult to assess the effect of misinformation on different segments of the population and in different geographic areas.

“The main methodologic difficulty concerns behavior, which is difficult to measure because it would require tracking a person’s actions over time and having a shared methodology to do so. We need to understand whether online stated intentions do or do not translate into actual behaviors,” said Ms. Zollo. Therefore, despite the recognized importance of the effect of social media and misinformation on people’s general behavior and the broad hypotheses expressed within public and political debates, the current state of the art cannot provide definitive conclusions on a causal association between social media and health behaviors.
 

Institutions’ Role

Social media is a fertile ground for the formation of echo chambers (where users find themselves dialoguing with like-minded people, forming a distorted impression of the real prevalence of that opinion) and for reinforcing polarized positions around certain topics. “We know that on certain topics, especially those related to health, there is a lot of misinformation circulating precisely because it is easy to leverage factors such as fear and beliefs, even the difficulties in understanding the technical aspects of a message,” said Ms. Zollo. Moreover, institutions have not always provided timely information during the pandemic. “Often, when there is a gap in response to a specific informational need, people turn elsewhere, where those questions find answers. And even if the response is not of high quality, it sometimes confirms the idea that the user had already created in their mind.”

The article published in The BMJ aims primarily to provide information and evaluation insights to institutions rather than professionals or healthcare workers. “We would like to spark the interest of institutions and ministries that can analyze this type of data and integrate it into their monitoring system. Social monitoring (the observation of what happens on social media) is a practice that the World Health Organization is also evaluating and trying to integrate with more traditional tools, such as questionnaires. The aim is to understand as well as possible what a population thinks about a particular health measure, such as a vaccine: Through data obtained from social monitoring, a more realistic and comprehensive view of the problem could be achieved,” said Ms. Zollo.
 

A Doctor’s Role

And this is where the doctor comes in: All the information thus obtained allows for identifying the needs that the population expresses and that “could push a patient to turn elsewhere, toward sources that provide answers even if of dubious quality or extremely oversimplified.” The doctor can enter this landscape by trying to understand, even with the data provided by institutions, what needs the patients are trying to fill and what drives them to seek elsewhere and to look for a reference community that offers the relevant confirmations.

From the doctor’s perspective, therefore, it can be useful to understand how these dynamics arise and evolve because they could help improve interactions with patients. At the institutional level, social monitoring would be an excellent tool for providing services to doctors who, in turn, offer a service to patients. If it were possible to identify areas where a disinformation narrative is developing from the outset, both the doctor and the institutions would benefit.
 

Misinformation vs Disinformation

The rapid spread of false or misleading information on social media can undermine trust in healthcare institutions and negatively influence health-related behaviors. Ms. Zollo and colleagues, in fact, speak of misinformation in their discussion, not disinformation. “In English, a distinction is made between misinformation and disinformation, a distinction that we are also adopting in Italian. When we talk about misinformation, we mean information that is generally false, inaccurate, or misleading but has not been created with the intention to harm, an intention that is present in disinformation,” said Ms. Zollo.

The distinction is often not easy to define even at the operational level, but in her studies, Ms. Zollo is mainly interested in understanding how the end user interacts with content, not the purposes for which that content was created. “This allows us to focus on users and the relationships that are created on various social platforms, thus bypassing the author of that information and focusing on how misinformation arises and evolves so that it can be effectively combated before it translates into action (ie, into incorrect health choices),” said Ms. Zollo.
 

This story was translated from Univadis Italy, which is part of the Medscape Professional Network, using several editorial tools, including AI, as part of the process. Human editors reviewed this content before publication. A version of this article appeared on Medscape.com.

I recently encountered a study that reviewed return visits of pediatric patients after undergoing adenotonsillectomy. The investigators discovered that pain-related visits were higher for patients who had received prescriptions for opioids. After the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued a boxed warning about the use of codeine in postoperative pediatric tonsillectomy with adenoidectomy (T&A), patients pain-related return visits declined and steroid prescriptions increased.

On the surface, this inverse relationship between opioid prescriptions and pain-related visits seems counterintuitive. This is particularly true if you believe that opioids are effective pain medications. The relationship between pain-related visits, steroid use, and the boxed warning is a bit easier to understand and most likely points to the effectiveness of the steroids.

Keeping in mind this was a single-institution study that included more than 5000 patients and more than 700 return visits, we should be careful in reading too much into these results. However, I can’t resist the temptation to use it as a springboard from which to launch a short dissertation on pain management.

First, let’s consider whether there was something about the opioids that was causing more pain for the patients. I’m not aware of any studies that suggest pain as a side effect of codeine. Nausea and vomiting, yes. And, although the investigators were focusing on pain, it may have been that the general discomfort associated with the gastrointestinal effects of the drug were lowering the patients’ pain threshold. I certainly know of many adults who have said that they now avoid opioids postoperatively because of the general sense of unwellness they have experienced during previous surgical adventures.

However, my bias leads me to focus on this question: If the patients didn’t receive opioids postoperatively, were they receiving something else that was making them less likely to arrive at the hospital or clinic complaining of pain? I assume the researchers would have told us about some new alternative miracle painkiller that was being prescribed.

As a card-carrying nihilist in good standing, I am tempted to claim that this is another example of nothing is better than most well-intentioned somethings. However, I am going to posit that these patients were receiving something that lessened their need to seek help with their pain.

Most likely that something was a thoughtful preemptive dialogue postoperatively about what they (and in most cases their parents) might expect in the way of symptoms. And ... an easy-to-reach contact point preferably with a person with whom they were familiar. And ... were scheduled to receive follow up phone calls at intervals relevant to the details of their surgery.

I know many of you are going to say, “We are already doing those things.” And, if so, you are to be commended. And, I’m sure that every outpatient postoperative manual includes all of those common-sense ingredients of good follow-up care. However, you know as well as I do that not all postoperative instructions are delivered with same degree of thoroughness nor with sufficient pauses thoughtfully delivered to make it a real dialogue. Nor is the follow-up contact person as easy to reach as promised.

I’m not sure how much we can thank the FDA boxed warning about codeine for the decrease in postoperative pain-generated visits. However, it could be that when physicians were discouraged from prescribing postoperative opioids, they may have felt the need to lean more heavily on good old-fashioned postoperative follow-up care. Instructions presented more as a dialogue and preemptive follow-up calls made with an aura of caring are well known deterrents of middle-of-the-night calls for help.

Dr. Wilkoff practiced primary care pediatrics in Brunswick, Maine, for nearly 40 years. He has authored several books on behavioral pediatrics, including “How to Say No to Your Toddler.” Other than a Littman stethoscope he accepted as a first-year medical student in 1966, Dr. Wilkoff reports having nothing to disclose. Email him at [email protected].

I recently encountered a study that reviewed return visits of pediatric patients after undergoing adenotonsillectomy. The investigators discovered that pain-related visits were higher for patients who had received prescriptions for opioids. After the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued a boxed warning about the use of codeine in postoperative pediatric tonsillectomy with adenoidectomy (T&A), patients pain-related return visits declined and steroid prescriptions increased.

On the surface, this inverse relationship between opioid prescriptions and pain-related visits seems counterintuitive. This is particularly true if you believe that opioids are effective pain medications. The relationship between pain-related visits, steroid use, and the boxed warning is a bit easier to understand and most likely points to the effectiveness of the steroids.

Keeping in mind this was a single-institution study that included more than 5000 patients and more than 700 return visits, we should be careful in reading too much into these results. However, I can’t resist the temptation to use it as a springboard from which to launch a short dissertation on pain management.

First, let’s consider whether there was something about the opioids that was causing more pain for the patients. I’m not aware of any studies that suggest pain as a side effect of codeine. Nausea and vomiting, yes. And, although the investigators were focusing on pain, it may have been that the general discomfort associated with the gastrointestinal effects of the drug were lowering the patients’ pain threshold. I certainly know of many adults who have said that they now avoid opioids postoperatively because of the general sense of unwellness they have experienced during previous surgical adventures.

However, my bias leads me to focus on this question: If the patients didn’t receive opioids postoperatively, were they receiving something else that was making them less likely to arrive at the hospital or clinic complaining of pain? I assume the researchers would have told us about some new alternative miracle painkiller that was being prescribed.

As a card-carrying nihilist in good standing, I am tempted to claim that this is another example of nothing is better than most well-intentioned somethings. However, I am going to posit that these patients were receiving something that lessened their need to seek help with their pain.

Most likely that something was a thoughtful preemptive dialogue postoperatively about what they (and in most cases their parents) might expect in the way of symptoms. And ... an easy-to-reach contact point preferably with a person with whom they were familiar. And ... were scheduled to receive follow up phone calls at intervals relevant to the details of their surgery.

I know many of you are going to say, “We are already doing those things.” And, if so, you are to be commended. And, I’m sure that every outpatient postoperative manual includes all of those common-sense ingredients of good follow-up care. However, you know as well as I do that not all postoperative instructions are delivered with same degree of thoroughness nor with sufficient pauses thoughtfully delivered to make it a real dialogue. Nor is the follow-up contact person as easy to reach as promised.

I’m not sure how much we can thank the FDA boxed warning about codeine for the decrease in postoperative pain-generated visits. However, it could be that when physicians were discouraged from prescribing postoperative opioids, they may have felt the need to lean more heavily on good old-fashioned postoperative follow-up care. Instructions presented more as a dialogue and preemptive follow-up calls made with an aura of caring are well known deterrents of middle-of-the-night calls for help.

Dr. Wilkoff practiced primary care pediatrics in Brunswick, Maine, for nearly 40 years. He has authored several books on behavioral pediatrics, including “How to Say No to Your Toddler.” Other than a Littman stethoscope he accepted as a first-year medical student in 1966, Dr. Wilkoff reports having nothing to disclose. Email him at [email protected].

I recently encountered a study that reviewed return visits of pediatric patients after undergoing adenotonsillectomy. The investigators discovered that pain-related visits were higher for patients who had received prescriptions for opioids. After the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued a boxed warning about the use of codeine in postoperative pediatric tonsillectomy with adenoidectomy (T&A), patients pain-related return visits declined and steroid prescriptions increased.

On the surface, this inverse relationship between opioid prescriptions and pain-related visits seems counterintuitive. This is particularly true if you believe that opioids are effective pain medications. The relationship between pain-related visits, steroid use, and the boxed warning is a bit easier to understand and most likely points to the effectiveness of the steroids.

Keeping in mind this was a single-institution study that included more than 5000 patients and more than 700 return visits, we should be careful in reading too much into these results. However, I can’t resist the temptation to use it as a springboard from which to launch a short dissertation on pain management.

First, let’s consider whether there was something about the opioids that was causing more pain for the patients. I’m not aware of any studies that suggest pain as a side effect of codeine. Nausea and vomiting, yes. And, although the investigators were focusing on pain, it may have been that the general discomfort associated with the gastrointestinal effects of the drug were lowering the patients’ pain threshold. I certainly know of many adults who have said that they now avoid opioids postoperatively because of the general sense of unwellness they have experienced during previous surgical adventures.

However, my bias leads me to focus on this question: If the patients didn’t receive opioids postoperatively, were they receiving something else that was making them less likely to arrive at the hospital or clinic complaining of pain? I assume the researchers would have told us about some new alternative miracle painkiller that was being prescribed.

As a card-carrying nihilist in good standing, I am tempted to claim that this is another example of nothing is better than most well-intentioned somethings. However, I am going to posit that these patients were receiving something that lessened their need to seek help with their pain.

Most likely that something was a thoughtful preemptive dialogue postoperatively about what they (and in most cases their parents) might expect in the way of symptoms. And ... an easy-to-reach contact point preferably with a person with whom they were familiar. And ... were scheduled to receive follow up phone calls at intervals relevant to the details of their surgery.

I know many of you are going to say, “We are already doing those things.” And, if so, you are to be commended. And, I’m sure that every outpatient postoperative manual includes all of those common-sense ingredients of good follow-up care. However, you know as well as I do that not all postoperative instructions are delivered with same degree of thoroughness nor with sufficient pauses thoughtfully delivered to make it a real dialogue. Nor is the follow-up contact person as easy to reach as promised.

I’m not sure how much we can thank the FDA boxed warning about codeine for the decrease in postoperative pain-generated visits. However, it could be that when physicians were discouraged from prescribing postoperative opioids, they may have felt the need to lean more heavily on good old-fashioned postoperative follow-up care. Instructions presented more as a dialogue and preemptive follow-up calls made with an aura of caring are well known deterrents of middle-of-the-night calls for help.

Dr. Wilkoff practiced primary care pediatrics in Brunswick, Maine, for nearly 40 years. He has authored several books on behavioral pediatrics, including “How to Say No to Your Toddler.” Other than a Littman stethoscope he accepted as a first-year medical student in 1966, Dr. Wilkoff reports having nothing to disclose. Email him at [email protected].

It is a great day when a patient shows up at clinical appointment already motivated to make lifestyle behavior changes. Often, they have been inspired by health information they consumed elsewhere, such as from a book, movie, documentary, TV show, a friend, or something out in the community.

Currently, one of the more public representations of health and longevity promotion is Blue Zones. The organization, named for specific areas of the world — the so-called blue zones, where people experience less disease and live longer lives — has created considerable public awareness for healthy living. Today, there are more than 75 Blue Zones Project communities across the United States, where community leaders, businesses, organizations, and citizens collaborate to make healthier choices the easier choices. A recent Netflix special, Live to 100: Secrets of the Blue Zones, further propelled blue zones into the public consciousness.

For clinicians trained in lifestyle medicine, Blue Zones’ consumer awareness is an opportunity. There is considerable crossover between the lifestyle habits advocated by Blue Zones, known as the Power9, and the six pillars of lifestyle medicine. The Blue Zones emphasis on “plant-slant” diet, natural movement, purpose and contribution, downshifting, and family and community intersect with the lifestyle medicine pillars of whole-food, plant-predominant eating patterns, regular physical activity, stress management, restorative sleep, and positive social connections. Both Blue Zones and lifestyle medicine share a goal of creating healthier and stronger individuals and communities.

For those reasons, it made perfect sense that Blue Zones and the American College of Lifestyle Medicine (ACLM) recently announced a partnership to synergize both organizations’ strengths and resources. Among other things, the collaboration will establish a new certification status of Blue Zones–Certified Physician or Blue Zones–Certified Healthcare Professional, available in 2025 exclusively to clinicians who already are or become certified in lifestyle medicine.

Because of Blue Zones’ considerable consumer awareness, physicians and other health professionals who earn the certification will stand out to potential patients as clinicians with the training and knowledge to help them make sustainable lifestyle behavior changes. A challenging part of any clinician’s job is educating and convincing patients on the proven health benefits of lifestyle behavior change within the time restraints of a routine clinical visit. Patients familiar with Blue Zones are more likely to arrive already interested in changing lifestyle behavior, and clinicians should have the skills to help them achieve their goals.

In addition, community infrastructure developed through Blue Zones that supports healthful lifestyle choices is significant for patients. Lack of resources in their home, work, and community environments is a common obstacle that patients cite when discussing lifestyle change with a clinician. Bicycle lanes for commuting, parks with exercise equipment, accessible healthy food options, and community events to facilitate positive social connections enhance lifestyle-medicine prescriptions. Workplaces, restaurants, places of worship, and grocery stores are examples of community stakeholders that collaborate in Blue Zones communities to promote healthy lifestyle decisions. Although lifestyle medicine clinicians can and do identify creative ways to support patients in communities without strong healthy choice infrastructure, the Blue Zones road map is a welcome companion.

The timing is right for this synthesis of Blue Zones and lifestyle medicine. As consumer interest in Blue Zones has risen, so has clinician interest in evidence-based lifestyle medicine. Since certification in lifestyle medicine began in 2017, almost 6700 physicians and other health professionals have become certified worldwide. More than 43,000 health care professionals have registered for ACLM’s complimentary lifestyle and food-as-medicine courses highlighted by the White House Conference on Hunger, Nutrition, and Health. 

What if more patients came to us motivated to make lifestyle changes because of awareness infused in their work and supported in their surrounding community? Matching lifestyle medicine certification with Blue Zone communities equips clinicians to help these patients achieve what they really want: to live longer and better.

Dr. Collings is Director of Lifestyle Medicine, Silicon Valley Medical Development, and Past President, American College of Lifestyle Medicine, Mountain View, California. She has disclosed no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article appeared on Medscape.com.

It is a great day when a patient shows up at clinical appointment already motivated to make lifestyle behavior changes. Often, they have been inspired by health information they consumed elsewhere, such as from a book, movie, documentary, TV show, a friend, or something out in the community.

Currently, one of the more public representations of health and longevity promotion is Blue Zones. The organization, named for specific areas of the world — the so-called blue zones, where people experience less disease and live longer lives — has created considerable public awareness for healthy living. Today, there are more than 75 Blue Zones Project communities across the United States, where community leaders, businesses, organizations, and citizens collaborate to make healthier choices the easier choices. A recent Netflix special, Live to 100: Secrets of the Blue Zones, further propelled blue zones into the public consciousness.

For clinicians trained in lifestyle medicine, Blue Zones’ consumer awareness is an opportunity. There is considerable crossover between the lifestyle habits advocated by Blue Zones, known as the Power9, and the six pillars of lifestyle medicine. The Blue Zones emphasis on “plant-slant” diet, natural movement, purpose and contribution, downshifting, and family and community intersect with the lifestyle medicine pillars of whole-food, plant-predominant eating patterns, regular physical activity, stress management, restorative sleep, and positive social connections. Both Blue Zones and lifestyle medicine share a goal of creating healthier and stronger individuals and communities.

For those reasons, it made perfect sense that Blue Zones and the American College of Lifestyle Medicine (ACLM) recently announced a partnership to synergize both organizations’ strengths and resources. Among other things, the collaboration will establish a new certification status of Blue Zones–Certified Physician or Blue Zones–Certified Healthcare Professional, available in 2025 exclusively to clinicians who already are or become certified in lifestyle medicine.

Because of Blue Zones’ considerable consumer awareness, physicians and other health professionals who earn the certification will stand out to potential patients as clinicians with the training and knowledge to help them make sustainable lifestyle behavior changes. A challenging part of any clinician’s job is educating and convincing patients on the proven health benefits of lifestyle behavior change within the time restraints of a routine clinical visit. Patients familiar with Blue Zones are more likely to arrive already interested in changing lifestyle behavior, and clinicians should have the skills to help them achieve their goals.

In addition, community infrastructure developed through Blue Zones that supports healthful lifestyle choices is significant for patients. Lack of resources in their home, work, and community environments is a common obstacle that patients cite when discussing lifestyle change with a clinician. Bicycle lanes for commuting, parks with exercise equipment, accessible healthy food options, and community events to facilitate positive social connections enhance lifestyle-medicine prescriptions. Workplaces, restaurants, places of worship, and grocery stores are examples of community stakeholders that collaborate in Blue Zones communities to promote healthy lifestyle decisions. Although lifestyle medicine clinicians can and do identify creative ways to support patients in communities without strong healthy choice infrastructure, the Blue Zones road map is a welcome companion.

The timing is right for this synthesis of Blue Zones and lifestyle medicine. As consumer interest in Blue Zones has risen, so has clinician interest in evidence-based lifestyle medicine. Since certification in lifestyle medicine began in 2017, almost 6700 physicians and other health professionals have become certified worldwide. More than 43,000 health care professionals have registered for ACLM’s complimentary lifestyle and food-as-medicine courses highlighted by the White House Conference on Hunger, Nutrition, and Health. 

What if more patients came to us motivated to make lifestyle changes because of awareness infused in their work and supported in their surrounding community? Matching lifestyle medicine certification with Blue Zone communities equips clinicians to help these patients achieve what they really want: to live longer and better.

Dr. Collings is Director of Lifestyle Medicine, Silicon Valley Medical Development, and Past President, American College of Lifestyle Medicine, Mountain View, California. She has disclosed no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article appeared on Medscape.com.

It is a great day when a patient shows up at clinical appointment already motivated to make lifestyle behavior changes. Often, they have been inspired by health information they consumed elsewhere, such as from a book, movie, documentary, TV show, a friend, or something out in the community.

Currently, one of the more public representations of health and longevity promotion is Blue Zones. The organization, named for specific areas of the world — the so-called blue zones, where people experience less disease and live longer lives — has created considerable public awareness for healthy living. Today, there are more than 75 Blue Zones Project communities across the United States, where community leaders, businesses, organizations, and citizens collaborate to make healthier choices the easier choices. A recent Netflix special, Live to 100: Secrets of the Blue Zones, further propelled blue zones into the public consciousness.

For clinicians trained in lifestyle medicine, Blue Zones’ consumer awareness is an opportunity. There is considerable crossover between the lifestyle habits advocated by Blue Zones, known as the Power9, and the six pillars of lifestyle medicine. The Blue Zones emphasis on “plant-slant” diet, natural movement, purpose and contribution, downshifting, and family and community intersect with the lifestyle medicine pillars of whole-food, plant-predominant eating patterns, regular physical activity, stress management, restorative sleep, and positive social connections. Both Blue Zones and lifestyle medicine share a goal of creating healthier and stronger individuals and communities.

For those reasons, it made perfect sense that Blue Zones and the American College of Lifestyle Medicine (ACLM) recently announced a partnership to synergize both organizations’ strengths and resources. Among other things, the collaboration will establish a new certification status of Blue Zones–Certified Physician or Blue Zones–Certified Healthcare Professional, available in 2025 exclusively to clinicians who already are or become certified in lifestyle medicine.

Because of Blue Zones’ considerable consumer awareness, physicians and other health professionals who earn the certification will stand out to potential patients as clinicians with the training and knowledge to help them make sustainable lifestyle behavior changes. A challenging part of any clinician’s job is educating and convincing patients on the proven health benefits of lifestyle behavior change within the time restraints of a routine clinical visit. Patients familiar with Blue Zones are more likely to arrive already interested in changing lifestyle behavior, and clinicians should have the skills to help them achieve their goals.

In addition, community infrastructure developed through Blue Zones that supports healthful lifestyle choices is significant for patients. Lack of resources in their home, work, and community environments is a common obstacle that patients cite when discussing lifestyle change with a clinician. Bicycle lanes for commuting, parks with exercise equipment, accessible healthy food options, and community events to facilitate positive social connections enhance lifestyle-medicine prescriptions. Workplaces, restaurants, places of worship, and grocery stores are examples of community stakeholders that collaborate in Blue Zones communities to promote healthy lifestyle decisions. Although lifestyle medicine clinicians can and do identify creative ways to support patients in communities without strong healthy choice infrastructure, the Blue Zones road map is a welcome companion.

The timing is right for this synthesis of Blue Zones and lifestyle medicine. As consumer interest in Blue Zones has risen, so has clinician interest in evidence-based lifestyle medicine. Since certification in lifestyle medicine began in 2017, almost 6700 physicians and other health professionals have become certified worldwide. More than 43,000 health care professionals have registered for ACLM’s complimentary lifestyle and food-as-medicine courses highlighted by the White House Conference on Hunger, Nutrition, and Health. 

What if more patients came to us motivated to make lifestyle changes because of awareness infused in their work and supported in their surrounding community? Matching lifestyle medicine certification with Blue Zone communities equips clinicians to help these patients achieve what they really want: to live longer and better.

Dr. Collings is Director of Lifestyle Medicine, Silicon Valley Medical Development, and Past President, American College of Lifestyle Medicine, Mountain View, California. She has disclosed no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article appeared on Medscape.com.

Eight commonly used antidepressants have been ranked by their weight gain potential. 

Results of a large observational study showed small differences in short- and long-term weight change in patients prescribed one of eight antidepressants, with bupropion associated with the lowest weight gain and escitalopram, paroxetine, and duloxetine associated with the greatest. 

Escitalopram, paroxetine, and duloxetine users were 10%-15% more likely to gain at least 5% of their baseline weight compared with those taking sertraline, which was used as a comparator. 

Investigators noted that the more clinicians and patients know about how a particular antidepressant may affect patients’ weight, the better informed they can be about which antidepressants to prescribe. 

“Patients and their clinicians often have several options when starting an antidepressant for the first time. This study provides important real-world evidence regarding the amount of weight gain that should be expected after starting some of the most common antidepressants,” lead author Joshua Petimar, ScD, assistant professor of population medicine in the Harvard Pilgrim Health Care Institute at Harvard Medical School, Boston, said in a press release. 

The findings were published online in Annals of Internal Medicine. 


 

Real-World Data

Though weight gain is a commonly reported side effect of antidepressant use and may lead to medication nonadherence and worse outcomes, there is a lack of real-world data about weight change across specific medications. 

Investigators used electronic health records from eight health care systems across the United States spanning from 2010 to 2019. The analysis included information on 183,118 adults aged 20-80 years who were new users of one of eight common first-line antidepressants. Investigators measured their weight at baseline and at 6, 12, and 24 months after initiation to estimate intention-to-treat (ITT) effects of weight change.

At baseline, participants were randomly assigned to begin sertraline, citalopram, escitalopram, fluoxetine, paroxetine, bupropion, duloxetine, or venlafaxine. 

The most common antidepressants prescribed were sertraline, citalopram, and bupropion. Approximately 36% of participants had a diagnosis of depression, and 39% were diagnosed with anxiety.

Among selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), escitalopram and paroxetine were associated with the greatest 6-month weight gain, whereas bupropion was associated with the least weight gain across all analyses.

Using sertraline as a comparator, 6-month weight change was lower for bupropion (difference, 0.22 kg) and higher for escitalopram (difference, 0.41 kg), duloxetine (difference, 0.34 kg), paroxetine (difference, 0.37 kg), and venlafaxine (difference, 0.17 kg).

Escitalopram, paroxetine, and duloxetine users were 10%-15% more likely to gain at least 5% of their baseline weight compared with sertraline users.

Investigators noted little difference in adherence levels between medications during the study except at 6 months, when it was higher for those who took bupropion (41%) than for those taking other antidepressants (28%-36%).

The study included data only on prescriptions and investigators could not verify whether the medications were dispensed or taken as prescribed. Other limitations included missing weight information because most patients did not encounter the health system at exactly 6, 12, and 24 months; only 15%-30% had weight measurements in those months. 

Finally, the low adherence rates made it difficult to attribute relative weight change at the 12- and 24-month time points to the specific medications of interest.

“Clinicians and patients could consider these differences when making decisions about specific antidepressants, especially given the complex relationships of obesity and depression with health, quality of life, and stigma,” the authors wrote. 

The study was funded by the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases. Disclosures are noted in the original article. 

A version of this article appeared on Medscape.com.

Eight commonly used antidepressants have been ranked by their weight gain potential. 

Results of a large observational study showed small differences in short- and long-term weight change in patients prescribed one of eight antidepressants, with bupropion associated with the lowest weight gain and escitalopram, paroxetine, and duloxetine associated with the greatest. 

Escitalopram, paroxetine, and duloxetine users were 10%-15% more likely to gain at least 5% of their baseline weight compared with those taking sertraline, which was used as a comparator. 

Investigators noted that the more clinicians and patients know about how a particular antidepressant may affect patients’ weight, the better informed they can be about which antidepressants to prescribe. 

“Patients and their clinicians often have several options when starting an antidepressant for the first time. This study provides important real-world evidence regarding the amount of weight gain that should be expected after starting some of the most common antidepressants,” lead author Joshua Petimar, ScD, assistant professor of population medicine in the Harvard Pilgrim Health Care Institute at Harvard Medical School, Boston, said in a press release. 

The findings were published online in Annals of Internal Medicine. 


 

Real-World Data

Though weight gain is a commonly reported side effect of antidepressant use and may lead to medication nonadherence and worse outcomes, there is a lack of real-world data about weight change across specific medications. 

Investigators used electronic health records from eight health care systems across the United States spanning from 2010 to 2019. The analysis included information on 183,118 adults aged 20-80 years who were new users of one of eight common first-line antidepressants. Investigators measured their weight at baseline and at 6, 12, and 24 months after initiation to estimate intention-to-treat (ITT) effects of weight change.

At baseline, participants were randomly assigned to begin sertraline, citalopram, escitalopram, fluoxetine, paroxetine, bupropion, duloxetine, or venlafaxine. 

The most common antidepressants prescribed were sertraline, citalopram, and bupropion. Approximately 36% of participants had a diagnosis of depression, and 39% were diagnosed with anxiety.

Among selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), escitalopram and paroxetine were associated with the greatest 6-month weight gain, whereas bupropion was associated with the least weight gain across all analyses.

Using sertraline as a comparator, 6-month weight change was lower for bupropion (difference, 0.22 kg) and higher for escitalopram (difference, 0.41 kg), duloxetine (difference, 0.34 kg), paroxetine (difference, 0.37 kg), and venlafaxine (difference, 0.17 kg).

Escitalopram, paroxetine, and duloxetine users were 10%-15% more likely to gain at least 5% of their baseline weight compared with sertraline users.

Investigators noted little difference in adherence levels between medications during the study except at 6 months, when it was higher for those who took bupropion (41%) than for those taking other antidepressants (28%-36%).

The study included data only on prescriptions and investigators could not verify whether the medications were dispensed or taken as prescribed. Other limitations included missing weight information because most patients did not encounter the health system at exactly 6, 12, and 24 months; only 15%-30% had weight measurements in those months. 

Finally, the low adherence rates made it difficult to attribute relative weight change at the 12- and 24-month time points to the specific medications of interest.

“Clinicians and patients could consider these differences when making decisions about specific antidepressants, especially given the complex relationships of obesity and depression with health, quality of life, and stigma,” the authors wrote. 

The study was funded by the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases. Disclosures are noted in the original article. 

A version of this article appeared on Medscape.com.

Eight commonly used antidepressants have been ranked by their weight gain potential. 

Results of a large observational study showed small differences in short- and long-term weight change in patients prescribed one of eight antidepressants, with bupropion associated with the lowest weight gain and escitalopram, paroxetine, and duloxetine associated with the greatest. 

Escitalopram, paroxetine, and duloxetine users were 10%-15% more likely to gain at least 5% of their baseline weight compared with those taking sertraline, which was used as a comparator. 

Investigators noted that the more clinicians and patients know about how a particular antidepressant may affect patients’ weight, the better informed they can be about which antidepressants to prescribe. 

“Patients and their clinicians often have several options when starting an antidepressant for the first time. This study provides important real-world evidence regarding the amount of weight gain that should be expected after starting some of the most common antidepressants,” lead author Joshua Petimar, ScD, assistant professor of population medicine in the Harvard Pilgrim Health Care Institute at Harvard Medical School, Boston, said in a press release. 

The findings were published online in Annals of Internal Medicine. 


 

Real-World Data

Though weight gain is a commonly reported side effect of antidepressant use and may lead to medication nonadherence and worse outcomes, there is a lack of real-world data about weight change across specific medications. 

Investigators used electronic health records from eight health care systems across the United States spanning from 2010 to 2019. The analysis included information on 183,118 adults aged 20-80 years who were new users of one of eight common first-line antidepressants. Investigators measured their weight at baseline and at 6, 12, and 24 months after initiation to estimate intention-to-treat (ITT) effects of weight change.

At baseline, participants were randomly assigned to begin sertraline, citalopram, escitalopram, fluoxetine, paroxetine, bupropion, duloxetine, or venlafaxine. 

The most common antidepressants prescribed were sertraline, citalopram, and bupropion. Approximately 36% of participants had a diagnosis of depression, and 39% were diagnosed with anxiety.

Among selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), escitalopram and paroxetine were associated with the greatest 6-month weight gain, whereas bupropion was associated with the least weight gain across all analyses.

Using sertraline as a comparator, 6-month weight change was lower for bupropion (difference, 0.22 kg) and higher for escitalopram (difference, 0.41 kg), duloxetine (difference, 0.34 kg), paroxetine (difference, 0.37 kg), and venlafaxine (difference, 0.17 kg).

Escitalopram, paroxetine, and duloxetine users were 10%-15% more likely to gain at least 5% of their baseline weight compared with sertraline users.

Investigators noted little difference in adherence levels between medications during the study except at 6 months, when it was higher for those who took bupropion (41%) than for those taking other antidepressants (28%-36%).

The study included data only on prescriptions and investigators could not verify whether the medications were dispensed or taken as prescribed. Other limitations included missing weight information because most patients did not encounter the health system at exactly 6, 12, and 24 months; only 15%-30% had weight measurements in those months. 

Finally, the low adherence rates made it difficult to attribute relative weight change at the 12- and 24-month time points to the specific medications of interest.

“Clinicians and patients could consider these differences when making decisions about specific antidepressants, especially given the complex relationships of obesity and depression with health, quality of life, and stigma,” the authors wrote. 

The study was funded by the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases. Disclosures are noted in the original article. 

A version of this article appeared on Medscape.com.

TOPLINE:

High-dose antipsychotics, particularly quetiapine, clozapine, and olanzapine, are linked to increased pneumonia risk in patients with schizophrenia, new data show. Monotherapy with high anticholinergic burden also raises pneumonia risk.

METHODOLOGY: 

• Using several nationwide data registers, investigators pulled data on individuals who received inpatient care for schizophrenia or schizoaffective disorder (n = 61,889) between 1972 and 2014.
• Data on drug use were gathered from a prescription register and included dispensing dates, cost, dose, package size, and drug formulation. Data on dates and causes of death were obtained from the Causes of Death register.
• After entering the cohort, follow-up started in January 1996 or after the first diagnosis of schizophrenia for those diagnosed between 1996 and 2014.
• The primary outcome was hospitalization caused by pneumonia as the main diagnosis for hospital admission.

TAKEAWAY: 

• During 22 years of follow-up, 8917 patients (14.4%) had one or more hospitalizations for pneumonia, and 1137 (12.8%) died within 30 days of admission.
• Pneumonia risk was the highest with the use of high-dose (> 440 mg/d) quetiapine (P = .003), followed by high- (≥ 330 mg/d) and medium-dose (180 to < 330 mg/d) clozapine (both P < .001) and high-dose (≥ 11 mg/d) olanzapine (P = .02).
• Compared with no antipsychotic use, antipsychotic monotherapy was associated with an increased pneumonia risk (P = .03), whereas antipsychotic polytherapy was not.
• Only the use of antipsychotics with high anticholinergic potency was associated with pneumonia risk (P < .001).

IN PRACTICE:

“Identification of antipsychotic drugs that are associated with pneumonia risk may better inform prevention programs (eg, vaccinations),” the researchers noted. “Second, the availability of pneumonia risk estimates for individual antipsychotics and for groups of antipsychotics may foster personalized prescribing guidelines.”

SOURCE:

The study was led by Jurjen Luykx, MD, Amsterdam University Medical Center, Amsterdam, the Netherlands. It was published online in JAMA Psychiatry.

LIMITATIONS:

The investigators could not correct for all possible risk factors that may increase pneumonia risk in individuals with schizophrenia, such as smoking and lifestyle habits. Also, cases of pneumonia that didn’t require hospital admission couldn’t be included in the analysis, so the findings may generalize only to cases of severe pneumonia.

DISCLOSURES:

The study was funded by the Finnish Ministry of Social Affairs and Health.

This article was created using several editorial tools, including AI, as part of the process. Human editors reviewed this content before publication.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

TOPLINE:

High-dose antipsychotics, particularly quetiapine, clozapine, and olanzapine, are linked to increased pneumonia risk in patients with schizophrenia, new data show. Monotherapy with high anticholinergic burden also raises pneumonia risk.

METHODOLOGY: 

• Using several nationwide data registers, investigators pulled data on individuals who received inpatient care for schizophrenia or schizoaffective disorder (n = 61,889) between 1972 and 2014.
• Data on drug use were gathered from a prescription register and included dispensing dates, cost, dose, package size, and drug formulation. Data on dates and causes of death were obtained from the Causes of Death register.
• After entering the cohort, follow-up started in January 1996 or after the first diagnosis of schizophrenia for those diagnosed between 1996 and 2014.
• The primary outcome was hospitalization caused by pneumonia as the main diagnosis for hospital admission.

TAKEAWAY: 

• During 22 years of follow-up, 8917 patients (14.4%) had one or more hospitalizations for pneumonia, and 1137 (12.8%) died within 30 days of admission.
• Pneumonia risk was the highest with the use of high-dose (> 440 mg/d) quetiapine (P = .003), followed by high- (≥ 330 mg/d) and medium-dose (180 to < 330 mg/d) clozapine (both P < .001) and high-dose (≥ 11 mg/d) olanzapine (P = .02).
• Compared with no antipsychotic use, antipsychotic monotherapy was associated with an increased pneumonia risk (P = .03), whereas antipsychotic polytherapy was not.
• Only the use of antipsychotics with high anticholinergic potency was associated with pneumonia risk (P < .001).

IN PRACTICE:

“Identification of antipsychotic drugs that are associated with pneumonia risk may better inform prevention programs (eg, vaccinations),” the researchers noted. “Second, the availability of pneumonia risk estimates for individual antipsychotics and for groups of antipsychotics may foster personalized prescribing guidelines.”

SOURCE:

The study was led by Jurjen Luykx, MD, Amsterdam University Medical Center, Amsterdam, the Netherlands. It was published online in JAMA Psychiatry.

LIMITATIONS:

The investigators could not correct for all possible risk factors that may increase pneumonia risk in individuals with schizophrenia, such as smoking and lifestyle habits. Also, cases of pneumonia that didn’t require hospital admission couldn’t be included in the analysis, so the findings may generalize only to cases of severe pneumonia.

DISCLOSURES:

The study was funded by the Finnish Ministry of Social Affairs and Health.

This article was created using several editorial tools, including AI, as part of the process. Human editors reviewed this content before publication.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

TOPLINE:

High-dose antipsychotics, particularly quetiapine, clozapine, and olanzapine, are linked to increased pneumonia risk in patients with schizophrenia, new data show. Monotherapy with high anticholinergic burden also raises pneumonia risk.

METHODOLOGY: 

• Using several nationwide data registers, investigators pulled data on individuals who received inpatient care for schizophrenia or schizoaffective disorder (n = 61,889) between 1972 and 2014.
• Data on drug use were gathered from a prescription register and included dispensing dates, cost, dose, package size, and drug formulation. Data on dates and causes of death were obtained from the Causes of Death register.
• After entering the cohort, follow-up started in January 1996 or after the first diagnosis of schizophrenia for those diagnosed between 1996 and 2014.
• The primary outcome was hospitalization caused by pneumonia as the main diagnosis for hospital admission.

TAKEAWAY: 

• During 22 years of follow-up, 8917 patients (14.4%) had one or more hospitalizations for pneumonia, and 1137 (12.8%) died within 30 days of admission.
• Pneumonia risk was the highest with the use of high-dose (> 440 mg/d) quetiapine (P = .003), followed by high- (≥ 330 mg/d) and medium-dose (180 to < 330 mg/d) clozapine (both P < .001) and high-dose (≥ 11 mg/d) olanzapine (P = .02).
• Compared with no antipsychotic use, antipsychotic monotherapy was associated with an increased pneumonia risk (P = .03), whereas antipsychotic polytherapy was not.
• Only the use of antipsychotics with high anticholinergic potency was associated with pneumonia risk (P < .001).

IN PRACTICE:

“Identification of antipsychotic drugs that are associated with pneumonia risk may better inform prevention programs (eg, vaccinations),” the researchers noted. “Second, the availability of pneumonia risk estimates for individual antipsychotics and for groups of antipsychotics may foster personalized prescribing guidelines.”

SOURCE:

The study was led by Jurjen Luykx, MD, Amsterdam University Medical Center, Amsterdam, the Netherlands. It was published online in JAMA Psychiatry.

LIMITATIONS:

The investigators could not correct for all possible risk factors that may increase pneumonia risk in individuals with schizophrenia, such as smoking and lifestyle habits. Also, cases of pneumonia that didn’t require hospital admission couldn’t be included in the analysis, so the findings may generalize only to cases of severe pneumonia.

DISCLOSURES:

The study was funded by the Finnish Ministry of Social Affairs and Health.

This article was created using several editorial tools, including AI, as part of the process. Human editors reviewed this content before publication.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Mount Sinai Health System in New York City is forcing part-time physicians to sign employment contracts that violate their labor rights, according to a June 2024 complaint by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB). 

The complaint stems from no-poaching and confidentiality clauses in the agreements required as a condition of employment, NLRB officials alleged.

The contracts state that, for 1 year following termination, part-time physicians may not recruit, solicit, or induce to terminate the employment of any hospital system employee or independent contractor, according to a copy of the terms included in NLRB’s June 18 complaint. 

By requiring the agreements, NLRB officials claimed, Mount Sinai is “interfering with, restraining, and coercing employees” in violation of the National Labor Relations Act. The health system’s “unfair labor practices” affects commerce as outlined under the law, according to the NLRB. The Act bans employers from burdening or obstructing commerce or the free flow of commerce.

Mount Sinai did not respond to requests for comment.

The NLRB’s complaint follows a landmark decision by the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) to ban noncompete agreements nationwide. In April 2024, the FTC voted to prohibit noncompetes indefinitely in an effort to protect workers.

“Noncompete clauses keep wages low, suppress new ideas, and rob the American economy of dynamism, including from the more than 8500 new startups that would be created a year once noncompetes are banned,” FTC Chair Lina M. Khan said in a statement. “The FTC’s final rule to ban noncompetes will ensure Americans have the freedom to pursue a new job, start a new business, or bring a new idea to market.”

Business groups and agencies have since sued to challenge against the ban, including the Chamber of Commerce. The Chamber and other business groups argue that noncompete agreements are important for companies to protect trade secrets, shield recruiting investments, and hide confidential information. The lawsuits are ongoing. 
 

A Physician Blows the Whistle

An anonymous physician first alerted the NLRB to the contract language in November 2023. The doctor was required the sign the hospital system’s agreement for part-time physicians. The complaint does not say if the employee is still employed by the hospital system. 

To remedy the unfair labor practices alleged, the NLRB seeks an order requiring the health system to rescind the contract language, stop any actions against current or former employees to enforce the provisions, and make whole any employees who suffered financial losses related to the contract terms. 

The allegation against Mount Sinai is among a rising number of grievances filed with the NLRB that claim unfair labor practices. During the first 6 months of fiscal year 2024, unfair labor practice charges filed across the NLRB’s field offices increased 7% — from 9612 in 2023 to 10,278 in 2024, according to a news release. 

NLRB, meanwhile has been cracking down on anticompetitive labor practices and confidentiality provisions that prevent employees from speaking out. 

In a February 2023 decision for instance, NLRB ruled that an employer violates the National Labor Relations Act by offering severance agreements to workers that include restrictive confidentiality and nondisparagement terms. In 2022, the NLRB and the Federal Trade Commission forged a partnership to more widely combat unfair, anticompetitive, and deceptive business practices. 

“Noncompete provisions reasonably tend to chill employees in the exercise of Section 7 rights when the provisions could reasonably be construed by employees to deny them the ability to quit or change jobs by cutting off their access to other employment opportunities that they are qualified for,” NLRB General Counsel Jennifer Abruzzo said in a 2023 release. 

Ms. Abruzzo stressed in a memo that NLR Act is committed to an interagency approach to restrictions on the exercise of employee rights, “including limits to workers’ job mobility, information sharing, and referrals to other agencies.” 

Mount Sinai Health System must respond to the NLRB’s complaint by July 16, and an administrative law judge is scheduled to hear the case on September 24.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Mount Sinai Health System in New York City is forcing part-time physicians to sign employment contracts that violate their labor rights, according to a June 2024 complaint by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB). 

The complaint stems from no-poaching and confidentiality clauses in the agreements required as a condition of employment, NLRB officials alleged.

The contracts state that, for 1 year following termination, part-time physicians may not recruit, solicit, or induce to terminate the employment of any hospital system employee or independent contractor, according to a copy of the terms included in NLRB’s June 18 complaint. 

By requiring the agreements, NLRB officials claimed, Mount Sinai is “interfering with, restraining, and coercing employees” in violation of the National Labor Relations Act. The health system’s “unfair labor practices” affects commerce as outlined under the law, according to the NLRB. The Act bans employers from burdening or obstructing commerce or the free flow of commerce.

Mount Sinai did not respond to requests for comment.

The NLRB’s complaint follows a landmark decision by the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) to ban noncompete agreements nationwide. In April 2024, the FTC voted to prohibit noncompetes indefinitely in an effort to protect workers.

“Noncompete clauses keep wages low, suppress new ideas, and rob the American economy of dynamism, including from the more than 8500 new startups that would be created a year once noncompetes are banned,” FTC Chair Lina M. Khan said in a statement. “The FTC’s final rule to ban noncompetes will ensure Americans have the freedom to pursue a new job, start a new business, or bring a new idea to market.”

Business groups and agencies have since sued to challenge against the ban, including the Chamber of Commerce. The Chamber and other business groups argue that noncompete agreements are important for companies to protect trade secrets, shield recruiting investments, and hide confidential information. The lawsuits are ongoing. 
 

A Physician Blows the Whistle

An anonymous physician first alerted the NLRB to the contract language in November 2023. The doctor was required the sign the hospital system’s agreement for part-time physicians. The complaint does not say if the employee is still employed by the hospital system. 

To remedy the unfair labor practices alleged, the NLRB seeks an order requiring the health system to rescind the contract language, stop any actions against current or former employees to enforce the provisions, and make whole any employees who suffered financial losses related to the contract terms. 

The allegation against Mount Sinai is among a rising number of grievances filed with the NLRB that claim unfair labor practices. During the first 6 months of fiscal year 2024, unfair labor practice charges filed across the NLRB’s field offices increased 7% — from 9612 in 2023 to 10,278 in 2024, according to a news release. 

NLRB, meanwhile has been cracking down on anticompetitive labor practices and confidentiality provisions that prevent employees from speaking out. 

In a February 2023 decision for instance, NLRB ruled that an employer violates the National Labor Relations Act by offering severance agreements to workers that include restrictive confidentiality and nondisparagement terms. In 2022, the NLRB and the Federal Trade Commission forged a partnership to more widely combat unfair, anticompetitive, and deceptive business practices. 

“Noncompete provisions reasonably tend to chill employees in the exercise of Section 7 rights when the provisions could reasonably be construed by employees to deny them the ability to quit or change jobs by cutting off their access to other employment opportunities that they are qualified for,” NLRB General Counsel Jennifer Abruzzo said in a 2023 release. 

Ms. Abruzzo stressed in a memo that NLR Act is committed to an interagency approach to restrictions on the exercise of employee rights, “including limits to workers’ job mobility, information sharing, and referrals to other agencies.” 

Mount Sinai Health System must respond to the NLRB’s complaint by July 16, and an administrative law judge is scheduled to hear the case on September 24.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Mount Sinai Health System in New York City is forcing part-time physicians to sign employment contracts that violate their labor rights, according to a June 2024 complaint by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB). 

The complaint stems from no-poaching and confidentiality clauses in the agreements required as a condition of employment, NLRB officials alleged.

The contracts state that, for 1 year following termination, part-time physicians may not recruit, solicit, or induce to terminate the employment of any hospital system employee or independent contractor, according to a copy of the terms included in NLRB’s June 18 complaint. 

By requiring the agreements, NLRB officials claimed, Mount Sinai is “interfering with, restraining, and coercing employees” in violation of the National Labor Relations Act. The health system’s “unfair labor practices” affects commerce as outlined under the law, according to the NLRB. The Act bans employers from burdening or obstructing commerce or the free flow of commerce.

Mount Sinai did not respond to requests for comment.

The NLRB’s complaint follows a landmark decision by the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) to ban noncompete agreements nationwide. In April 2024, the FTC voted to prohibit noncompetes indefinitely in an effort to protect workers.

“Noncompete clauses keep wages low, suppress new ideas, and rob the American economy of dynamism, including from the more than 8500 new startups that would be created a year once noncompetes are banned,” FTC Chair Lina M. Khan said in a statement. “The FTC’s final rule to ban noncompetes will ensure Americans have the freedom to pursue a new job, start a new business, or bring a new idea to market.”

Business groups and agencies have since sued to challenge against the ban, including the Chamber of Commerce. The Chamber and other business groups argue that noncompete agreements are important for companies to protect trade secrets, shield recruiting investments, and hide confidential information. The lawsuits are ongoing. 
 

A Physician Blows the Whistle

An anonymous physician first alerted the NLRB to the contract language in November 2023. The doctor was required the sign the hospital system’s agreement for part-time physicians. The complaint does not say if the employee is still employed by the hospital system. 

To remedy the unfair labor practices alleged, the NLRB seeks an order requiring the health system to rescind the contract language, stop any actions against current or former employees to enforce the provisions, and make whole any employees who suffered financial losses related to the contract terms. 

The allegation against Mount Sinai is among a rising number of grievances filed with the NLRB that claim unfair labor practices. During the first 6 months of fiscal year 2024, unfair labor practice charges filed across the NLRB’s field offices increased 7% — from 9612 in 2023 to 10,278 in 2024, according to a news release. 

NLRB, meanwhile has been cracking down on anticompetitive labor practices and confidentiality provisions that prevent employees from speaking out. 

In a February 2023 decision for instance, NLRB ruled that an employer violates the National Labor Relations Act by offering severance agreements to workers that include restrictive confidentiality and nondisparagement terms. In 2022, the NLRB and the Federal Trade Commission forged a partnership to more widely combat unfair, anticompetitive, and deceptive business practices. 

“Noncompete provisions reasonably tend to chill employees in the exercise of Section 7 rights when the provisions could reasonably be construed by employees to deny them the ability to quit or change jobs by cutting off their access to other employment opportunities that they are qualified for,” NLRB General Counsel Jennifer Abruzzo said in a 2023 release. 

Ms. Abruzzo stressed in a memo that NLR Act is committed to an interagency approach to restrictions on the exercise of employee rights, “including limits to workers’ job mobility, information sharing, and referrals to other agencies.” 

Mount Sinai Health System must respond to the NLRB’s complaint by July 16, and an administrative law judge is scheduled to hear the case on September 24.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Individuals with anxiety have at least a twofold higher risk of developing Parkinson’s disease than those without anxiety, new research suggested.

Investigators drew on 10-year data from primary care registry to compare almost 110,000 patients who developed anxiety after the age of 50 years with close to 900,000 matched controls without anxiety.

After adjusting for a variety of sociodemographic, lifestyle, psychiatric, and neurological factors, they found that the risk of developing Parkinson’s disease was double in those with anxiety, compared with controls.

“Anxiety is known to be a feature of the early stages of Parkinson’s disease, but prior to our study, the prospective risk of Parkinson’s in those over the age of 50 with new-onset anxiety was unknown,” colead author Juan Bazo Alvarez, a senior research fellow in the Division of Epidemiology and Health at University College London, London, England, said in a news release.

The study was published online in the British Journal of General Practice.

The presence of anxiety is increased in prodromal Parkinson’s disease, but the prospective risk for Parkinson’s disease in those aged 50 years or older with new-onset anxiety was largely unknown.

Investigators analyzed data from a large UK primary care dataset that includes all people aged between 50 and 99 years who were registered with a participating practice from Jan. 1, 2008, to Dec. 31, 2018.

They identified 109,435 people (35% men) with more than one anxiety record in the database but no previous record of anxiety for 1 year or more and 878,256 people (37% men) with no history of anxiety (control group).

Features of Parkinson’s disease such as sleep problems, depression, tremor, and impaired balance were then tracked from the point of the anxiety diagnosis until 1 year before the Parkinson’s disease diagnosis.

Among those with anxiety, 331 developed Parkinson’s disease during the follow-up period, with a median time to diagnosis of 4.9 years after the first recorded episode of anxiety.

The incidence of Parkinson’s disease was 1.2 per 1000 person-years (95% CI, 0.92-1.13) in those with anxiety versus 0.49 (95% CI, 0.47-0.52) in those without anxiety.

After adjustment for age, sex, social deprivation, lifestyle factors, severe mental illness, head trauma, and dementia, the risk for Parkinson’s disease was double in those with anxiety, compared with the non-anxiety group (hazard ratio, 2.1; 95% CI, 1.9-2.4).

Individuals without anxiety also developed Parkinson’s disease later than those with anxiety.

The researchers identified specific symptoms that were associated with later development of Parkinson’s disease in those with anxiety, including depression, sleep disturbance, fatigue, and cognitive impairment, among other symptoms.

“The results suggest that there is a strong association between anxiety and diagnosis of Parkinson’s disease in patients aged over 50 years who present with a new diagnosis of anxiety,” the authors wrote. “This provides evidence for anxiety as a prodromal presentation of Parkinson’s disease.”

Future research “should explore anxiety in relation to other prodromal symptoms and how this symptom complex is associated with the incidence of Parkinson’s disease,” the researchers wrote. Doing so “may lead to earlier diagnosis and better management of Parkinson’s disease.”

This study was funded by the European Union. Specific authors received funding from the National Institute for Health and Care Research and the Alzheimer’s Society Clinical Training Fellowship program. The authors declared no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Individuals with anxiety have at least a twofold higher risk of developing Parkinson’s disease than those without anxiety, new research suggested.

Investigators drew on 10-year data from primary care registry to compare almost 110,000 patients who developed anxiety after the age of 50 years with close to 900,000 matched controls without anxiety.

After adjusting for a variety of sociodemographic, lifestyle, psychiatric, and neurological factors, they found that the risk of developing Parkinson’s disease was double in those with anxiety, compared with controls.

“Anxiety is known to be a feature of the early stages of Parkinson’s disease, but prior to our study, the prospective risk of Parkinson’s in those over the age of 50 with new-onset anxiety was unknown,” colead author Juan Bazo Alvarez, a senior research fellow in the Division of Epidemiology and Health at University College London, London, England, said in a news release.

The study was published online in the British Journal of General Practice.

The presence of anxiety is increased in prodromal Parkinson’s disease, but the prospective risk for Parkinson’s disease in those aged 50 years or older with new-onset anxiety was largely unknown.

Investigators analyzed data from a large UK primary care dataset that includes all people aged between 50 and 99 years who were registered with a participating practice from Jan. 1, 2008, to Dec. 31, 2018.

They identified 109,435 people (35% men) with more than one anxiety record in the database but no previous record of anxiety for 1 year or more and 878,256 people (37% men) with no history of anxiety (control group).

Features of Parkinson’s disease such as sleep problems, depression, tremor, and impaired balance were then tracked from the point of the anxiety diagnosis until 1 year before the Parkinson’s disease diagnosis.

Among those with anxiety, 331 developed Parkinson’s disease during the follow-up period, with a median time to diagnosis of 4.9 years after the first recorded episode of anxiety.

The incidence of Parkinson’s disease was 1.2 per 1000 person-years (95% CI, 0.92-1.13) in those with anxiety versus 0.49 (95% CI, 0.47-0.52) in those without anxiety.

After adjustment for age, sex, social deprivation, lifestyle factors, severe mental illness, head trauma, and dementia, the risk for Parkinson’s disease was double in those with anxiety, compared with the non-anxiety group (hazard ratio, 2.1; 95% CI, 1.9-2.4).

Individuals without anxiety also developed Parkinson’s disease later than those with anxiety.

The researchers identified specific symptoms that were associated with later development of Parkinson’s disease in those with anxiety, including depression, sleep disturbance, fatigue, and cognitive impairment, among other symptoms.

“The results suggest that there is a strong association between anxiety and diagnosis of Parkinson’s disease in patients aged over 50 years who present with a new diagnosis of anxiety,” the authors wrote. “This provides evidence for anxiety as a prodromal presentation of Parkinson’s disease.”

Future research “should explore anxiety in relation to other prodromal symptoms and how this symptom complex is associated with the incidence of Parkinson’s disease,” the researchers wrote. Doing so “may lead to earlier diagnosis and better management of Parkinson’s disease.”

This study was funded by the European Union. Specific authors received funding from the National Institute for Health and Care Research and the Alzheimer’s Society Clinical Training Fellowship program. The authors declared no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Individuals with anxiety have at least a twofold higher risk of developing Parkinson’s disease than those without anxiety, new research suggested.

Investigators drew on 10-year data from primary care registry to compare almost 110,000 patients who developed anxiety after the age of 50 years with close to 900,000 matched controls without anxiety.

After adjusting for a variety of sociodemographic, lifestyle, psychiatric, and neurological factors, they found that the risk of developing Parkinson’s disease was double in those with anxiety, compared with controls.

“Anxiety is known to be a feature of the early stages of Parkinson’s disease, but prior to our study, the prospective risk of Parkinson’s in those over the age of 50 with new-onset anxiety was unknown,” colead author Juan Bazo Alvarez, a senior research fellow in the Division of Epidemiology and Health at University College London, London, England, said in a news release.

The study was published online in the British Journal of General Practice.

The presence of anxiety is increased in prodromal Parkinson’s disease, but the prospective risk for Parkinson’s disease in those aged 50 years or older with new-onset anxiety was largely unknown.

Investigators analyzed data from a large UK primary care dataset that includes all people aged between 50 and 99 years who were registered with a participating practice from Jan. 1, 2008, to Dec. 31, 2018.

They identified 109,435 people (35% men) with more than one anxiety record in the database but no previous record of anxiety for 1 year or more and 878,256 people (37% men) with no history of anxiety (control group).

Features of Parkinson’s disease such as sleep problems, depression, tremor, and impaired balance were then tracked from the point of the anxiety diagnosis until 1 year before the Parkinson’s disease diagnosis.

Among those with anxiety, 331 developed Parkinson’s disease during the follow-up period, with a median time to diagnosis of 4.9 years after the first recorded episode of anxiety.

The incidence of Parkinson’s disease was 1.2 per 1000 person-years (95% CI, 0.92-1.13) in those with anxiety versus 0.49 (95% CI, 0.47-0.52) in those without anxiety.

After adjustment for age, sex, social deprivation, lifestyle factors, severe mental illness, head trauma, and dementia, the risk for Parkinson’s disease was double in those with anxiety, compared with the non-anxiety group (hazard ratio, 2.1; 95% CI, 1.9-2.4).

Individuals without anxiety also developed Parkinson’s disease later than those with anxiety.

The researchers identified specific symptoms that were associated with later development of Parkinson’s disease in those with anxiety, including depression, sleep disturbance, fatigue, and cognitive impairment, among other symptoms.

“The results suggest that there is a strong association between anxiety and diagnosis of Parkinson’s disease in patients aged over 50 years who present with a new diagnosis of anxiety,” the authors wrote. “This provides evidence for anxiety as a prodromal presentation of Parkinson’s disease.”

Future research “should explore anxiety in relation to other prodromal symptoms and how this symptom complex is associated with the incidence of Parkinson’s disease,” the researchers wrote. Doing so “may lead to earlier diagnosis and better management of Parkinson’s disease.”

This study was funded by the European Union. Specific authors received funding from the National Institute for Health and Care Research and the Alzheimer’s Society Clinical Training Fellowship program. The authors declared no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

New research supports current guidelines cautioning against long-term use of benzodiazepines.

The study of more than 5000 older adults found that benzodiazepine use was associated with an accelerated reduction in the volume of the hippocampus and amygdala — brain regions involved in memory and mood regulation. However, benzodiazepine use overall was not associated with an increased risk for dementia.

The findings suggest that benzodiazepine use “may have subtle, long-term impact on brain health,” lead investigator Frank Wolters, MD, PhD, with Erasmus University Medical Center, Rotterdam, the Netherlands, and colleagues wrote.

The study was published online in BMC Medicine.
 

Conflicting Evidence 

Benzodiazepines are commonly prescribed in older adults for anxiety and sleep disorders. Though the short-term cognitive side effects are well documented, the long-term impact on neurodegeneration and dementia risk remains unclear. Some studies have linked benzodiazepine use to an increased risk for dementia, whereas others have not.

Dr. Wolters and colleagues assessed the effect of benzodiazepine use on long-term dementia risk and on imaging markers of neurodegeneration in 5443 cognitively healthy adults (mean age, 71 years; 57% women) from the population-based Rotterdam Study. 

Benzodiazepine use between 1991 and 2008 was determined using pharmacy dispensing records, and dementia incidence was determined from medical records. 

Half of the participants had used benzodiazepines at any time in the 15 years before baseline (2005-2008); 47% used anxiolytics, 20% used sedative-hypnotics, 34% used both, and 13% were still using the drugs at the baseline assessment. 

During an average follow-up of 11 years, 13% of participants developed dementia. 

Overall, use of benzodiazepines was not associated with dementia risk, compared with never-use (hazard ratio [HR], 1.06), irrespective of cumulative dose. 

The risk for dementia was somewhat higher with any use of anxiolytics than with sedative-hypnotics (HR, 1.17 vs HR, 0.92), although neither was statistically significant. The highest risk estimates were observed for high cumulative dose of anxiolytics (HR, 1.33). 

Sensitivity analyses of the two most commonly used anxiolytics found no differences in risk between use of short half-life oxazepam and long half-life diazepam (HR, 1.01 and HR, 1.06, respectively, for ever-use, compared with never-use for oxazepam and diazepam).
 

Brain Atrophy

The researchers investigated potential associations between benzodiazepine use and brain volumes using brain MRI imaging from 4836 participants.

They found that current use of a benzodiazepine at baseline was significantly associated with lower total brain volume — as well as lower hippocampus, amygdala, and thalamus volume cross-sectionally — and with accelerated volume loss of the hippocampus and, to a lesser extent, amygdala longitudinally. 

Imaging findings did not differ by type of benzodiazepine used or cumulative dose. 

“Given the availability of effective alternative pharmacological and nonpharmacological treatments for anxiety and sleep problems, it is important to carefully consider the necessity of prolonged benzodiazepine use in light of potential detrimental effects on brain health,” the authors wrote. 
 

Risks Go Beyond the Brain

Commenting on the study, Shaheen Lakhan, MD, PhD, a neurologist and researcher based in Miami, Florida, noted that “chronic benzodiazepine use may reduce neuroplasticity, potentially interfering with the brain’s ability to form new connections and adapt.

“Long-term use can lead to down-regulation of GABA receptors, altering the brain’s natural inhibitory mechanisms and potentially contributing to tolerance and withdrawal symptoms. Prolonged use can also disrupt the balance of various neurotransmitter systems beyond just GABA, potentially affecting mood, cognition, and overall brain function,” said Dr. Lakhan, who was not involved in the study. 

“While the literature is mixed on chronic benzodiazepine use and dementia risk, prolonged use has consistently been associated with accelerated volume loss in certain brain regions, particularly the hippocampus and amygdala,” which are responsible for memory, learning, and emotional regulation, he noted. 

“Beyond cognitive impairments and brain volume loss, chronic benzodiazepine use is associated with tolerance and dependence, potential for abuse, interactions with other drugs, and increased fall risk, especially in older adults,” Dr. Lakhan added.

Current guidelines discourage long-term use of benzodiazepines because of risk for psychological and physical dependence; falls; and cognitive impairment, especially in older adults. Nevertheless, research shows that 30%-40% of older benzodiazepine users stay on the medication beyond the recommended period of several weeks.

Donovan T. Maust, MD, Department of Psychiatry, University of Michigan Medical School, Ann Arbor, said in an interview these new findings are consistent with other recently published observational research that suggest benzodiazepine use is not linked to dementia risk. 

“I realize that such meta-analyses that find a positive relationship between benzodiazepines and dementia are out there, but they include older, less rigorous studies,” said Dr. Maust, who was not part of the new study. “In my opinion, the jury is not still out on this topic. However, there are plenty of other reasons to avoid them — and in particular, starting them — in older adults, most notably the increased risk of fall injury as well as increased overdose risk when taken along with opioids.”

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

New research supports current guidelines cautioning against long-term use of benzodiazepines.

The study of more than 5000 older adults found that benzodiazepine use was associated with an accelerated reduction in the volume of the hippocampus and amygdala — brain regions involved in memory and mood regulation. However, benzodiazepine use overall was not associated with an increased risk for dementia.

The findings suggest that benzodiazepine use “may have subtle, long-term impact on brain health,” lead investigator Frank Wolters, MD, PhD, with Erasmus University Medical Center, Rotterdam, the Netherlands, and colleagues wrote.

The study was published online in BMC Medicine.
 

Conflicting Evidence 

Benzodiazepines are commonly prescribed in older adults for anxiety and sleep disorders. Though the short-term cognitive side effects are well documented, the long-term impact on neurodegeneration and dementia risk remains unclear. Some studies have linked benzodiazepine use to an increased risk for dementia, whereas others have not.

Dr. Wolters and colleagues assessed the effect of benzodiazepine use on long-term dementia risk and on imaging markers of neurodegeneration in 5443 cognitively healthy adults (mean age, 71 years; 57% women) from the population-based Rotterdam Study. 

Benzodiazepine use between 1991 and 2008 was determined using pharmacy dispensing records, and dementia incidence was determined from medical records. 

Half of the participants had used benzodiazepines at any time in the 15 years before baseline (2005-2008); 47% used anxiolytics, 20% used sedative-hypnotics, 34% used both, and 13% were still using the drugs at the baseline assessment. 

During an average follow-up of 11 years, 13% of participants developed dementia. 

Overall, use of benzodiazepines was not associated with dementia risk, compared with never-use (hazard ratio [HR], 1.06), irrespective of cumulative dose. 

The risk for dementia was somewhat higher with any use of anxiolytics than with sedative-hypnotics (HR, 1.17 vs HR, 0.92), although neither was statistically significant. The highest risk estimates were observed for high cumulative dose of anxiolytics (HR, 1.33). 

Sensitivity analyses of the two most commonly used anxiolytics found no differences in risk between use of short half-life oxazepam and long half-life diazepam (HR, 1.01 and HR, 1.06, respectively, for ever-use, compared with never-use for oxazepam and diazepam).
 

Brain Atrophy

The researchers investigated potential associations between benzodiazepine use and brain volumes using brain MRI imaging from 4836 participants.

They found that current use of a benzodiazepine at baseline was significantly associated with lower total brain volume — as well as lower hippocampus, amygdala, and thalamus volume cross-sectionally — and with accelerated volume loss of the hippocampus and, to a lesser extent, amygdala longitudinally. 

Imaging findings did not differ by type of benzodiazepine used or cumulative dose. 

“Given the availability of effective alternative pharmacological and nonpharmacological treatments for anxiety and sleep problems, it is important to carefully consider the necessity of prolonged benzodiazepine use in light of potential detrimental effects on brain health,” the authors wrote. 
 

Risks Go Beyond the Brain

Commenting on the study, Shaheen Lakhan, MD, PhD, a neurologist and researcher based in Miami, Florida, noted that “chronic benzodiazepine use may reduce neuroplasticity, potentially interfering with the brain’s ability to form new connections and adapt.

“Long-term use can lead to down-regulation of GABA receptors, altering the brain’s natural inhibitory mechanisms and potentially contributing to tolerance and withdrawal symptoms. Prolonged use can also disrupt the balance of various neurotransmitter systems beyond just GABA, potentially affecting mood, cognition, and overall brain function,” said Dr. Lakhan, who was not involved in the study. 

“While the literature is mixed on chronic benzodiazepine use and dementia risk, prolonged use has consistently been associated with accelerated volume loss in certain brain regions, particularly the hippocampus and amygdala,” which are responsible for memory, learning, and emotional regulation, he noted. 

“Beyond cognitive impairments and brain volume loss, chronic benzodiazepine use is associated with tolerance and dependence, potential for abuse, interactions with other drugs, and increased fall risk, especially in older adults,” Dr. Lakhan added.

Current guidelines discourage long-term use of benzodiazepines because of risk for psychological and physical dependence; falls; and cognitive impairment, especially in older adults. Nevertheless, research shows that 30%-40% of older benzodiazepine users stay on the medication beyond the recommended period of several weeks.

Donovan T. Maust, MD, Department of Psychiatry, University of Michigan Medical School, Ann Arbor, said in an interview these new findings are consistent with other recently published observational research that suggest benzodiazepine use is not linked to dementia risk. 

“I realize that such meta-analyses that find a positive relationship between benzodiazepines and dementia are out there, but they include older, less rigorous studies,” said Dr. Maust, who was not part of the new study. “In my opinion, the jury is not still out on this topic. However, there are plenty of other reasons to avoid them — and in particular, starting them — in older adults, most notably the increased risk of fall injury as well as increased overdose risk when taken along with opioids.”

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

New research supports current guidelines cautioning against long-term use of benzodiazepines.

The study of more than 5000 older adults found that benzodiazepine use was associated with an accelerated reduction in the volume of the hippocampus and amygdala — brain regions involved in memory and mood regulation. However, benzodiazepine use overall was not associated with an increased risk for dementia.

The findings suggest that benzodiazepine use “may have subtle, long-term impact on brain health,” lead investigator Frank Wolters, MD, PhD, with Erasmus University Medical Center, Rotterdam, the Netherlands, and colleagues wrote.

The study was published online in BMC Medicine.
 

Conflicting Evidence 

Benzodiazepines are commonly prescribed in older adults for anxiety and sleep disorders. Though the short-term cognitive side effects are well documented, the long-term impact on neurodegeneration and dementia risk remains unclear. Some studies have linked benzodiazepine use to an increased risk for dementia, whereas others have not.

Dr. Wolters and colleagues assessed the effect of benzodiazepine use on long-term dementia risk and on imaging markers of neurodegeneration in 5443 cognitively healthy adults (mean age, 71 years; 57% women) from the population-based Rotterdam Study. 

Benzodiazepine use between 1991 and 2008 was determined using pharmacy dispensing records, and dementia incidence was determined from medical records. 

Half of the participants had used benzodiazepines at any time in the 15 years before baseline (2005-2008); 47% used anxiolytics, 20% used sedative-hypnotics, 34% used both, and 13% were still using the drugs at the baseline assessment. 

During an average follow-up of 11 years, 13% of participants developed dementia. 

Overall, use of benzodiazepines was not associated with dementia risk, compared with never-use (hazard ratio [HR], 1.06), irrespective of cumulative dose. 

The risk for dementia was somewhat higher with any use of anxiolytics than with sedative-hypnotics (HR, 1.17 vs HR, 0.92), although neither was statistically significant. The highest risk estimates were observed for high cumulative dose of anxiolytics (HR, 1.33). 

Sensitivity analyses of the two most commonly used anxiolytics found no differences in risk between use of short half-life oxazepam and long half-life diazepam (HR, 1.01 and HR, 1.06, respectively, for ever-use, compared with never-use for oxazepam and diazepam).
 

Brain Atrophy

The researchers investigated potential associations between benzodiazepine use and brain volumes using brain MRI imaging from 4836 participants.

They found that current use of a benzodiazepine at baseline was significantly associated with lower total brain volume — as well as lower hippocampus, amygdala, and thalamus volume cross-sectionally — and with accelerated volume loss of the hippocampus and, to a lesser extent, amygdala longitudinally. 

Imaging findings did not differ by type of benzodiazepine used or cumulative dose. 

“Given the availability of effective alternative pharmacological and nonpharmacological treatments for anxiety and sleep problems, it is important to carefully consider the necessity of prolonged benzodiazepine use in light of potential detrimental effects on brain health,” the authors wrote. 
 

Risks Go Beyond the Brain

Commenting on the study, Shaheen Lakhan, MD, PhD, a neurologist and researcher based in Miami, Florida, noted that “chronic benzodiazepine use may reduce neuroplasticity, potentially interfering with the brain’s ability to form new connections and adapt.

“Long-term use can lead to down-regulation of GABA receptors, altering the brain’s natural inhibitory mechanisms and potentially contributing to tolerance and withdrawal symptoms. Prolonged use can also disrupt the balance of various neurotransmitter systems beyond just GABA, potentially affecting mood, cognition, and overall brain function,” said Dr. Lakhan, who was not involved in the study. 

“While the literature is mixed on chronic benzodiazepine use and dementia risk, prolonged use has consistently been associated with accelerated volume loss in certain brain regions, particularly the hippocampus and amygdala,” which are responsible for memory, learning, and emotional regulation, he noted. 

“Beyond cognitive impairments and brain volume loss, chronic benzodiazepine use is associated with tolerance and dependence, potential for abuse, interactions with other drugs, and increased fall risk, especially in older adults,” Dr. Lakhan added.

Current guidelines discourage long-term use of benzodiazepines because of risk for psychological and physical dependence; falls; and cognitive impairment, especially in older adults. Nevertheless, research shows that 30%-40% of older benzodiazepine users stay on the medication beyond the recommended period of several weeks.

Donovan T. Maust, MD, Department of Psychiatry, University of Michigan Medical School, Ann Arbor, said in an interview these new findings are consistent with other recently published observational research that suggest benzodiazepine use is not linked to dementia risk. 

“I realize that such meta-analyses that find a positive relationship between benzodiazepines and dementia are out there, but they include older, less rigorous studies,” said Dr. Maust, who was not part of the new study. “In my opinion, the jury is not still out on this topic. However, there are plenty of other reasons to avoid them — and in particular, starting them — in older adults, most notably the increased risk of fall injury as well as increased overdose risk when taken along with opioids.”

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

This transcript has been edited for clarity.

There’s a growing scandal in mental health care. Recent studies are showing that certain medications that basically are used to, if you will, quiet patients — antipsychotic drugs — are being overused, particularly in facilities that serve poorer people and people who are minorities. This situation is utterly, ethically unacceptable and it’s something that we are starting to get really pressed to solve. 

Part of this is due to the fact that numbers of caregivers are in short supply. We need to get more people trained. We need to get more mental health providers at all levels into facilities in order to provide care, and not substitute that inability to have a provider present and minimize risk to patients by having drug-induced sleepiness, soporific behavior, or, if you will, snowing them just because we don’t have enough people to keep an eye on them. Furthermore, we can’t let them engage in some activities, even things like walking around, because we’re worried about falls. The nursing homes or mental health facilities don’t want anybody to get injured, much less killed, because that’s going to really bring government agencies down on them.

What do we do, aside from trying to get more numbers in there? California came up with a law not too long ago that basically put the burden of using these drugs on consent. They passed a law that said the patient, before going under and being administered any type of psychoactive drug, has to consent; or if they’re really unable to do that, their relative or next of kin should have to consent.

California law now puts the burden on getting consent from the patient in order to use these drugs. It’s not a good solution. It still permits the use of the drugs to substitute for the inability to provide adequate numbers of people to provide care in safe environments. It’s almost like saying, “We know you’re going into a dangerous place. We can’t really reduce the danger, so we’re going to make sure that you stay in your seat. You better consent to that because otherwise things could not go well for you in this mental institution.” 

That’s not a sound argument for the use of informed consent. Moreover, I’m very skeptical that many of these people in mental institutions do have the capacity to either say, “Fine, give me psychoactive drugs if I have to stay here,” or “No, I don’t want that. I’ll take my chances.”

They’re vulnerable people. Many of them may not be fully incompetent, but they often have compromised competency. Relatives may be thinking, Well, the right thing to do is just to make sure they don’t get hurt or injure themselves. Yes, give them the drugs. 

Consent, while I support it, is not the solution to what is fundamentally an infrastructure problem, a personnel problem, and one of the shames of American healthcare, which is lousy long-term mental health care. For too many people, their care is in the street. For too many people, their care is taking place in institutions that have dangerous designs where people either get injured, can’t provide enough spacing, or just don’t have the people to do it. 

Let’s move to fix the mental health care system and not be in a situation where we say to people, “The system stinks and you’re at risk. Is it okay with you if we drug you because we can’t think of any other way to keep you safe, given the rotten nature of the institutions that we’ve got?” 

Dr. Caplan is director, Division of Medical Ethics, New York University Langone Medical Center, New York. He disclosed ties with Johnson & Johnson’s Panel for Compassionate Drug Use (unpaid position) and serves as a contributing author and adviser for Medscape.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

This transcript has been edited for clarity.

There’s a growing scandal in mental health care. Recent studies are showing that certain medications that basically are used to, if you will, quiet patients — antipsychotic drugs — are being overused, particularly in facilities that serve poorer people and people who are minorities. This situation is utterly, ethically unacceptable and it’s something that we are starting to get really pressed to solve. 

Part of this is due to the fact that numbers of caregivers are in short supply. We need to get more people trained. We need to get more mental health providers at all levels into facilities in order to provide care, and not substitute that inability to have a provider present and minimize risk to patients by having drug-induced sleepiness, soporific behavior, or, if you will, snowing them just because we don’t have enough people to keep an eye on them. Furthermore, we can’t let them engage in some activities, even things like walking around, because we’re worried about falls. The nursing homes or mental health facilities don’t want anybody to get injured, much less killed, because that’s going to really bring government agencies down on them.

What do we do, aside from trying to get more numbers in there? California came up with a law not too long ago that basically put the burden of using these drugs on consent. They passed a law that said the patient, before going under and being administered any type of psychoactive drug, has to consent; or if they’re really unable to do that, their relative or next of kin should have to consent.

California law now puts the burden on getting consent from the patient in order to use these drugs. It’s not a good solution. It still permits the use of the drugs to substitute for the inability to provide adequate numbers of people to provide care in safe environments. It’s almost like saying, “We know you’re going into a dangerous place. We can’t really reduce the danger, so we’re going to make sure that you stay in your seat. You better consent to that because otherwise things could not go well for you in this mental institution.” 

That’s not a sound argument for the use of informed consent. Moreover, I’m very skeptical that many of these people in mental institutions do have the capacity to either say, “Fine, give me psychoactive drugs if I have to stay here,” or “No, I don’t want that. I’ll take my chances.”

They’re vulnerable people. Many of them may not be fully incompetent, but they often have compromised competency. Relatives may be thinking, Well, the right thing to do is just to make sure they don’t get hurt or injure themselves. Yes, give them the drugs. 

Consent, while I support it, is not the solution to what is fundamentally an infrastructure problem, a personnel problem, and one of the shames of American healthcare, which is lousy long-term mental health care. For too many people, their care is in the street. For too many people, their care is taking place in institutions that have dangerous designs where people either get injured, can’t provide enough spacing, or just don’t have the people to do it. 

Let’s move to fix the mental health care system and not be in a situation where we say to people, “The system stinks and you’re at risk. Is it okay with you if we drug you because we can’t think of any other way to keep you safe, given the rotten nature of the institutions that we’ve got?” 

Dr. Caplan is director, Division of Medical Ethics, New York University Langone Medical Center, New York. He disclosed ties with Johnson & Johnson’s Panel for Compassionate Drug Use (unpaid position) and serves as a contributing author and adviser for Medscape.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

This transcript has been edited for clarity.

There’s a growing scandal in mental health care. Recent studies are showing that certain medications that basically are used to, if you will, quiet patients — antipsychotic drugs — are being overused, particularly in facilities that serve poorer people and people who are minorities. This situation is utterly, ethically unacceptable and it’s something that we are starting to get really pressed to solve. 

Part of this is due to the fact that numbers of caregivers are in short supply. We need to get more people trained. We need to get more mental health providers at all levels into facilities in order to provide care, and not substitute that inability to have a provider present and minimize risk to patients by having drug-induced sleepiness, soporific behavior, or, if you will, snowing them just because we don’t have enough people to keep an eye on them. Furthermore, we can’t let them engage in some activities, even things like walking around, because we’re worried about falls. The nursing homes or mental health facilities don’t want anybody to get injured, much less killed, because that’s going to really bring government agencies down on them.

What do we do, aside from trying to get more numbers in there? California came up with a law not too long ago that basically put the burden of using these drugs on consent. They passed a law that said the patient, before going under and being administered any type of psychoactive drug, has to consent; or if they’re really unable to do that, their relative or next of kin should have to consent.

California law now puts the burden on getting consent from the patient in order to use these drugs. It’s not a good solution. It still permits the use of the drugs to substitute for the inability to provide adequate numbers of people to provide care in safe environments. It’s almost like saying, “We know you’re going into a dangerous place. We can’t really reduce the danger, so we’re going to make sure that you stay in your seat. You better consent to that because otherwise things could not go well for you in this mental institution.” 

That’s not a sound argument for the use of informed consent. Moreover, I’m very skeptical that many of these people in mental institutions do have the capacity to either say, “Fine, give me psychoactive drugs if I have to stay here,” or “No, I don’t want that. I’ll take my chances.”

They’re vulnerable people. Many of them may not be fully incompetent, but they often have compromised competency. Relatives may be thinking, Well, the right thing to do is just to make sure they don’t get hurt or injure themselves. Yes, give them the drugs. 

Consent, while I support it, is not the solution to what is fundamentally an infrastructure problem, a personnel problem, and one of the shames of American healthcare, which is lousy long-term mental health care. For too many people, their care is in the street. For too many people, their care is taking place in institutions that have dangerous designs where people either get injured, can’t provide enough spacing, or just don’t have the people to do it. 

Let’s move to fix the mental health care system and not be in a situation where we say to people, “The system stinks and you’re at risk. Is it okay with you if we drug you because we can’t think of any other way to keep you safe, given the rotten nature of the institutions that we’ve got?” 

Dr. Caplan is director, Division of Medical Ethics, New York University Langone Medical Center, New York. He disclosed ties with Johnson & Johnson’s Panel for Compassionate Drug Use (unpaid position) and serves as a contributing author and adviser for Medscape.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

In a shifting landscape in dementia risk factors, cardiovascular health is now taking precedence.

That’s according to researchers from University College London (UCL) in the United Kingdom who analyzed 27 papers about dementia that had data collected over more than 70 years. They calculated what share of dementia cases were due to different risk factors. Their findings were recently published in the Lancet Public Health.

Top risk factors for dementia over the years have been hypertension, obesity, diabetes, education, and smoking, according to a news release on the findings. But the prevalence of risk factors has changed over the decades.

Researchers said smoking and education have become less important risk factors because of “population-level interventions,” such as stop-smoking campaigns and compulsory public education. On the other hand, obesity and diabetes rates have increased and become bigger risk factors.

Hypertension remains the greatest risk factor, even though doctors and public health groups are putting more emphasis on managing the condition, the study said.

“Cardiovascular risk factors may have contributed more to dementia risk over time, so these deserve more targeted action for future dementia prevention efforts,” said Naaheed Mukadam, PhD, an associate professor at UCL and the lead author of the study.

Eliminating modifiable risk factors could theoretically prevent 40% of dementia cases, the release said. 

The CDC says that an estimated 5.8 million people in the United States have Alzheimer’s disease and related dementias, including 5.6 million people ages 65 and older and about 200,000 under age 65. The UCL release said an estimated 944,000 in the U.K. have dementia. 

A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.

In a shifting landscape in dementia risk factors, cardiovascular health is now taking precedence.

That’s according to researchers from University College London (UCL) in the United Kingdom who analyzed 27 papers about dementia that had data collected over more than 70 years. They calculated what share of dementia cases were due to different risk factors. Their findings were recently published in the Lancet Public Health.

Top risk factors for dementia over the years have been hypertension, obesity, diabetes, education, and smoking, according to a news release on the findings. But the prevalence of risk factors has changed over the decades.

Researchers said smoking and education have become less important risk factors because of “population-level interventions,” such as stop-smoking campaigns and compulsory public education. On the other hand, obesity and diabetes rates have increased and become bigger risk factors.

Hypertension remains the greatest risk factor, even though doctors and public health groups are putting more emphasis on managing the condition, the study said.

“Cardiovascular risk factors may have contributed more to dementia risk over time, so these deserve more targeted action for future dementia prevention efforts,” said Naaheed Mukadam, PhD, an associate professor at UCL and the lead author of the study.

Eliminating modifiable risk factors could theoretically prevent 40% of dementia cases, the release said. 

The CDC says that an estimated 5.8 million people in the United States have Alzheimer’s disease and related dementias, including 5.6 million people ages 65 and older and about 200,000 under age 65. The UCL release said an estimated 944,000 in the U.K. have dementia. 

A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.

In a shifting landscape in dementia risk factors, cardiovascular health is now taking precedence.

That’s according to researchers from University College London (UCL) in the United Kingdom who analyzed 27 papers about dementia that had data collected over more than 70 years. They calculated what share of dementia cases were due to different risk factors. Their findings were recently published in the Lancet Public Health.

Top risk factors for dementia over the years have been hypertension, obesity, diabetes, education, and smoking, according to a news release on the findings. But the prevalence of risk factors has changed over the decades.

Researchers said smoking and education have become less important risk factors because of “population-level interventions,” such as stop-smoking campaigns and compulsory public education. On the other hand, obesity and diabetes rates have increased and become bigger risk factors.

Hypertension remains the greatest risk factor, even though doctors and public health groups are putting more emphasis on managing the condition, the study said.

“Cardiovascular risk factors may have contributed more to dementia risk over time, so these deserve more targeted action for future dementia prevention efforts,” said Naaheed Mukadam, PhD, an associate professor at UCL and the lead author of the study.

Eliminating modifiable risk factors could theoretically prevent 40% of dementia cases, the release said. 

The CDC says that an estimated 5.8 million people in the United States have Alzheimer’s disease and related dementias, including 5.6 million people ages 65 and older and about 200,000 under age 65. The UCL release said an estimated 944,000 in the U.K. have dementia. 

A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.