MDedge Psychiatry

A combination of droperidol and midazolam was more effective than haloperidol plus lorazepam for achieving sedation in agitated patients in an emergency department setting in a study involving 86 adult patients at a single tertiary medical care center.

Patients with acute agitation present significant safety concerns in the emergency department, according to Jessica Javed, MD, of the University of Louisville (Ky.) and colleagues.

A combination of haloperidol and lorazepam has been widely used to curb agitation in these patients, but droperidol and midazolam could be more effective, owing to faster onset of action, Dr. Javed noted in a presentation at the annual meeting of the American College of Emergency Physicians.

Dr. Javed and colleagues conducted a prospective study to compare time to adequate sedation in agitated patients in the ED. In the trial, 43 patients received droperidol 5 mg plus midazolam 5 mg, and 43 patients received haloperidol plus lorazepam 2 mg. The average age of the patients in the droperidol/midazolam group was 34 years; the average age of the patients in the haloperidol/lorazepam group was 38 years. Baseline demographics, including height, weight, body mass index, and baseline Sedation Assessment Tool (SAT) scores, were similar between the groups.

The SAT score scale ranges from +3 (combative, violent, or out of control) to –3 (no response to stimulation); zero indicates being awake and calm/cooperative. The median baseline SAT score was 3 for both treatment groups.

The primary outcome was the proportion of patients with adequate sedation (defined as SAT scores of ≤0) 10 min after treatment.

Significantly more patients in the droperidol/midazolam group met this outcome, compared with the patients in the haloperidol/lorazepam group (51.2% vs. 7%). Also, significantly more patients in the droperidol/midazolam group achieved adequate sedation at 5, 10, 15, and 30 min than in the haloperidol/lorazepam group.

Fewer patients in the haloperidol/lorazepam group required supplemental oxygen, compared with the droperidol/midazolam group (9.3% vs. 25.6%). However, none of the droperidol/midazolam patients required rescue sedation, compared with 16.3% of the haloperidol/lorazepam patients, Dr. Javed noted. None of the patients required endotracheal intubation or experienced extrapyramidal symptoms, she said.

The study was limited by the small sample size and inclusion of data from only a single center.

The results suggest that droperidol/midazolam is superior to intramuscular haloperidol/lorazepam for producing adequate sedation after 10 min in agitated patients, Dr. Javed concluded.

The study received no outside funding. The researchers have disclosed no relevant financial relationships.
 

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

A combination of droperidol and midazolam was more effective than haloperidol plus lorazepam for achieving sedation in agitated patients in an emergency department setting in a study involving 86 adult patients at a single tertiary medical care center.

Patients with acute agitation present significant safety concerns in the emergency department, according to Jessica Javed, MD, of the University of Louisville (Ky.) and colleagues.

A combination of haloperidol and lorazepam has been widely used to curb agitation in these patients, but droperidol and midazolam could be more effective, owing to faster onset of action, Dr. Javed noted in a presentation at the annual meeting of the American College of Emergency Physicians.

Dr. Javed and colleagues conducted a prospective study to compare time to adequate sedation in agitated patients in the ED. In the trial, 43 patients received droperidol 5 mg plus midazolam 5 mg, and 43 patients received haloperidol plus lorazepam 2 mg. The average age of the patients in the droperidol/midazolam group was 34 years; the average age of the patients in the haloperidol/lorazepam group was 38 years. Baseline demographics, including height, weight, body mass index, and baseline Sedation Assessment Tool (SAT) scores, were similar between the groups.

The SAT score scale ranges from +3 (combative, violent, or out of control) to –3 (no response to stimulation); zero indicates being awake and calm/cooperative. The median baseline SAT score was 3 for both treatment groups.

The primary outcome was the proportion of patients with adequate sedation (defined as SAT scores of ≤0) 10 min after treatment.

Significantly more patients in the droperidol/midazolam group met this outcome, compared with the patients in the haloperidol/lorazepam group (51.2% vs. 7%). Also, significantly more patients in the droperidol/midazolam group achieved adequate sedation at 5, 10, 15, and 30 min than in the haloperidol/lorazepam group.

Fewer patients in the haloperidol/lorazepam group required supplemental oxygen, compared with the droperidol/midazolam group (9.3% vs. 25.6%). However, none of the droperidol/midazolam patients required rescue sedation, compared with 16.3% of the haloperidol/lorazepam patients, Dr. Javed noted. None of the patients required endotracheal intubation or experienced extrapyramidal symptoms, she said.

The study was limited by the small sample size and inclusion of data from only a single center.

The results suggest that droperidol/midazolam is superior to intramuscular haloperidol/lorazepam for producing adequate sedation after 10 min in agitated patients, Dr. Javed concluded.

The study received no outside funding. The researchers have disclosed no relevant financial relationships.
 

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

A combination of droperidol and midazolam was more effective than haloperidol plus lorazepam for achieving sedation in agitated patients in an emergency department setting in a study involving 86 adult patients at a single tertiary medical care center.

Patients with acute agitation present significant safety concerns in the emergency department, according to Jessica Javed, MD, of the University of Louisville (Ky.) and colleagues.

A combination of haloperidol and lorazepam has been widely used to curb agitation in these patients, but droperidol and midazolam could be more effective, owing to faster onset of action, Dr. Javed noted in a presentation at the annual meeting of the American College of Emergency Physicians.

Dr. Javed and colleagues conducted a prospective study to compare time to adequate sedation in agitated patients in the ED. In the trial, 43 patients received droperidol 5 mg plus midazolam 5 mg, and 43 patients received haloperidol plus lorazepam 2 mg. The average age of the patients in the droperidol/midazolam group was 34 years; the average age of the patients in the haloperidol/lorazepam group was 38 years. Baseline demographics, including height, weight, body mass index, and baseline Sedation Assessment Tool (SAT) scores, were similar between the groups.

The SAT score scale ranges from +3 (combative, violent, or out of control) to –3 (no response to stimulation); zero indicates being awake and calm/cooperative. The median baseline SAT score was 3 for both treatment groups.

The primary outcome was the proportion of patients with adequate sedation (defined as SAT scores of ≤0) 10 min after treatment.

Significantly more patients in the droperidol/midazolam group met this outcome, compared with the patients in the haloperidol/lorazepam group (51.2% vs. 7%). Also, significantly more patients in the droperidol/midazolam group achieved adequate sedation at 5, 10, 15, and 30 min than in the haloperidol/lorazepam group.

Fewer patients in the haloperidol/lorazepam group required supplemental oxygen, compared with the droperidol/midazolam group (9.3% vs. 25.6%). However, none of the droperidol/midazolam patients required rescue sedation, compared with 16.3% of the haloperidol/lorazepam patients, Dr. Javed noted. None of the patients required endotracheal intubation or experienced extrapyramidal symptoms, she said.

The study was limited by the small sample size and inclusion of data from only a single center.

The results suggest that droperidol/midazolam is superior to intramuscular haloperidol/lorazepam for producing adequate sedation after 10 min in agitated patients, Dr. Javed concluded.

The study received no outside funding. The researchers have disclosed no relevant financial relationships.
 

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Sleeping too much or too little can lead to cognitive decline over time, but new research suggests there could be a sleep time “sweet spot” that stabilizes cognitive function.

JGI/Tom Grill/Getty Images

In a longitudinal study, investigators found older adults who slept less than 4.5 hours or more than 6.5 hours a night reported significant cognitive decline over time, but cognitive scores for those with sleep duration in between that range remained stable.

“This really suggests that there’s this middle range, a ‘sweet spot,’ where your sleep is really optimal,” lead author Brendan Lucey, MD, MSCI, associate professor of neurology and director of the Washington University Sleep Medicine Center, St. Louis, said in an interview.

The study, published online Oct. 20, 2021, in the journal Brain, is part of a growing body of research that seeks to determine if sleep can be used as a marker of Alzheimer’s disease progression.
 

A complex relationship

Studies suggest a strong relationship between sleep patterns and Alzheimer’s disease, which affects nearly 6 million Americans. The challenge, Dr. Lucey said, is unwinding the complex links between sleep, AD, and cognitive function.

An earlier study by Dr. Lucey and colleagues found that poor sleep quality is associated with early signs of AD, and a report published in September found that elderly people who slept less than 6 hours a night had a greater burden of amyloid-beta, a hallmark sign of AD.

For this new study, researchers monitored sleep-wake activity over 4-6 nights in 100 participants who underwent annual cognitive assessments and clinical studies, including APOE genotyping, as part of a longitudinal study at the Knight Alzheimer Disease Research Center at Washington University.

Participants also provided cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) total tau and amyloid-beta 42 and wore a small EEG device on their forehead while they slept.

The majority of participants had a clinical dementia rating (CDR) score of 0, indicating no cognitive impairment. Twelve individuals had a CDR greater than 0, with most reporting mild cognitive impairment.

As expected, CSF analysis showed greater evidence of AD pathology in those with a baseline CDR greater than 0.

Changes in cognitive function were measured using a Preclinical Alzheimer Cognitive Composite (PACC) score, a composite of results from a neuropsychological testing battery that included the Free and Cued Selective Reminding Test, the Logical Memory Delayed Recall Test from the Wechsler Memory Scale–Revised, the Digit Symbol Substitution Test from the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale–Revised, and the Mini-Mental State Examination.

Researchers found an upside-down U-shaped relationship between PACC scores and sleep duration, with dramatic cognitive decline in those who slept less than 4.5 hours or more than 6.5 hours a night (P < .001 for both).

The U-shaped relationship was also found with measures of sleep phases, including time spent in rapid eye movement and in non-REM sleep (P < .001 for both).

The findings persisted even after controlling for confounders that can affect sleep and cognition, such as age, CSF total tau/amyloid-beta ₄₂ ratio, apo E four-allele carrier status, years of education, and sex.

Understanding how sleep changes at different stages of AD could help researchers determine if sleep can be used as a marker of disease progression, Dr. Lucey said. That could lead to interventions to slow that process.

“We’re not at the point yet where we can say that we need to monitor someone’s sleep time and then do an intervention to see if it would improve their risk for cognitive decline,” said Dr. Lucey, who plans to repeat this sleep study with the same cohort to track changes in sleep patterns and cognitive function over time. “But that’s a question I’m very excited to try to answer.”
 

A component of cognitive health

Commenting on the findings for this news organization, Heather Snyder, PhD, vice president of medical and scientific relations for the Alzheimer’s Association, noted that the study adds to a body of evidence linking sleep and cognition, especially how sleep quality can optimize brain function.

“We’ve seen previous research that’s shown poor sleep contributes to dementia risk, as well as research showing sleep duration may play a role in cognition,” she said.

“We also need studies that look at sleep as an intervention for cognitive health,” Dr. Snyder said. “Sleep is an important aspect of our overall health. Clinicians should have conversations with their patients about sleep as part of standard discussions about their health habits and wellness.”

The study was funded by the National Institutes of Health, the American Sleep Medicine Foundation, the Roger and Paula Riney Fund, and the Daniel J. Brennan, MD Fund. Dr. Lucey consults for Merck and Eli Lilly. Dr. Snyder has disclosed no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Sleeping too much or too little can lead to cognitive decline over time, but new research suggests there could be a sleep time “sweet spot” that stabilizes cognitive function.

JGI/Tom Grill/Getty Images

In a longitudinal study, investigators found older adults who slept less than 4.5 hours or more than 6.5 hours a night reported significant cognitive decline over time, but cognitive scores for those with sleep duration in between that range remained stable.

“This really suggests that there’s this middle range, a ‘sweet spot,’ where your sleep is really optimal,” lead author Brendan Lucey, MD, MSCI, associate professor of neurology and director of the Washington University Sleep Medicine Center, St. Louis, said in an interview.

The study, published online Oct. 20, 2021, in the journal Brain, is part of a growing body of research that seeks to determine if sleep can be used as a marker of Alzheimer’s disease progression.
 

A complex relationship

Studies suggest a strong relationship between sleep patterns and Alzheimer’s disease, which affects nearly 6 million Americans. The challenge, Dr. Lucey said, is unwinding the complex links between sleep, AD, and cognitive function.

An earlier study by Dr. Lucey and colleagues found that poor sleep quality is associated with early signs of AD, and a report published in September found that elderly people who slept less than 6 hours a night had a greater burden of amyloid-beta, a hallmark sign of AD.

For this new study, researchers monitored sleep-wake activity over 4-6 nights in 100 participants who underwent annual cognitive assessments and clinical studies, including APOE genotyping, as part of a longitudinal study at the Knight Alzheimer Disease Research Center at Washington University.

Participants also provided cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) total tau and amyloid-beta 42 and wore a small EEG device on their forehead while they slept.

The majority of participants had a clinical dementia rating (CDR) score of 0, indicating no cognitive impairment. Twelve individuals had a CDR greater than 0, with most reporting mild cognitive impairment.

As expected, CSF analysis showed greater evidence of AD pathology in those with a baseline CDR greater than 0.

Changes in cognitive function were measured using a Preclinical Alzheimer Cognitive Composite (PACC) score, a composite of results from a neuropsychological testing battery that included the Free and Cued Selective Reminding Test, the Logical Memory Delayed Recall Test from the Wechsler Memory Scale–Revised, the Digit Symbol Substitution Test from the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale–Revised, and the Mini-Mental State Examination.

Researchers found an upside-down U-shaped relationship between PACC scores and sleep duration, with dramatic cognitive decline in those who slept less than 4.5 hours or more than 6.5 hours a night (P < .001 for both).

The U-shaped relationship was also found with measures of sleep phases, including time spent in rapid eye movement and in non-REM sleep (P < .001 for both).

The findings persisted even after controlling for confounders that can affect sleep and cognition, such as age, CSF total tau/amyloid-beta ₄₂ ratio, apo E four-allele carrier status, years of education, and sex.

Understanding how sleep changes at different stages of AD could help researchers determine if sleep can be used as a marker of disease progression, Dr. Lucey said. That could lead to interventions to slow that process.

“We’re not at the point yet where we can say that we need to monitor someone’s sleep time and then do an intervention to see if it would improve their risk for cognitive decline,” said Dr. Lucey, who plans to repeat this sleep study with the same cohort to track changes in sleep patterns and cognitive function over time. “But that’s a question I’m very excited to try to answer.”
 

A component of cognitive health

Commenting on the findings for this news organization, Heather Snyder, PhD, vice president of medical and scientific relations for the Alzheimer’s Association, noted that the study adds to a body of evidence linking sleep and cognition, especially how sleep quality can optimize brain function.

“We’ve seen previous research that’s shown poor sleep contributes to dementia risk, as well as research showing sleep duration may play a role in cognition,” she said.

“We also need studies that look at sleep as an intervention for cognitive health,” Dr. Snyder said. “Sleep is an important aspect of our overall health. Clinicians should have conversations with their patients about sleep as part of standard discussions about their health habits and wellness.”

The study was funded by the National Institutes of Health, the American Sleep Medicine Foundation, the Roger and Paula Riney Fund, and the Daniel J. Brennan, MD Fund. Dr. Lucey consults for Merck and Eli Lilly. Dr. Snyder has disclosed no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Sleeping too much or too little can lead to cognitive decline over time, but new research suggests there could be a sleep time “sweet spot” that stabilizes cognitive function.

JGI/Tom Grill/Getty Images

In a longitudinal study, investigators found older adults who slept less than 4.5 hours or more than 6.5 hours a night reported significant cognitive decline over time, but cognitive scores for those with sleep duration in between that range remained stable.

“This really suggests that there’s this middle range, a ‘sweet spot,’ where your sleep is really optimal,” lead author Brendan Lucey, MD, MSCI, associate professor of neurology and director of the Washington University Sleep Medicine Center, St. Louis, said in an interview.

The study, published online Oct. 20, 2021, in the journal Brain, is part of a growing body of research that seeks to determine if sleep can be used as a marker of Alzheimer’s disease progression.
 

A complex relationship

Studies suggest a strong relationship between sleep patterns and Alzheimer’s disease, which affects nearly 6 million Americans. The challenge, Dr. Lucey said, is unwinding the complex links between sleep, AD, and cognitive function.

An earlier study by Dr. Lucey and colleagues found that poor sleep quality is associated with early signs of AD, and a report published in September found that elderly people who slept less than 6 hours a night had a greater burden of amyloid-beta, a hallmark sign of AD.

For this new study, researchers monitored sleep-wake activity over 4-6 nights in 100 participants who underwent annual cognitive assessments and clinical studies, including APOE genotyping, as part of a longitudinal study at the Knight Alzheimer Disease Research Center at Washington University.

Participants also provided cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) total tau and amyloid-beta 42 and wore a small EEG device on their forehead while they slept.

The majority of participants had a clinical dementia rating (CDR) score of 0, indicating no cognitive impairment. Twelve individuals had a CDR greater than 0, with most reporting mild cognitive impairment.

As expected, CSF analysis showed greater evidence of AD pathology in those with a baseline CDR greater than 0.

Changes in cognitive function were measured using a Preclinical Alzheimer Cognitive Composite (PACC) score, a composite of results from a neuropsychological testing battery that included the Free and Cued Selective Reminding Test, the Logical Memory Delayed Recall Test from the Wechsler Memory Scale–Revised, the Digit Symbol Substitution Test from the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale–Revised, and the Mini-Mental State Examination.

Researchers found an upside-down U-shaped relationship between PACC scores and sleep duration, with dramatic cognitive decline in those who slept less than 4.5 hours or more than 6.5 hours a night (P < .001 for both).

The U-shaped relationship was also found with measures of sleep phases, including time spent in rapid eye movement and in non-REM sleep (P < .001 for both).

The findings persisted even after controlling for confounders that can affect sleep and cognition, such as age, CSF total tau/amyloid-beta ₄₂ ratio, apo E four-allele carrier status, years of education, and sex.

Understanding how sleep changes at different stages of AD could help researchers determine if sleep can be used as a marker of disease progression, Dr. Lucey said. That could lead to interventions to slow that process.

“We’re not at the point yet where we can say that we need to monitor someone’s sleep time and then do an intervention to see if it would improve their risk for cognitive decline,” said Dr. Lucey, who plans to repeat this sleep study with the same cohort to track changes in sleep patterns and cognitive function over time. “But that’s a question I’m very excited to try to answer.”
 

A component of cognitive health

Commenting on the findings for this news organization, Heather Snyder, PhD, vice president of medical and scientific relations for the Alzheimer’s Association, noted that the study adds to a body of evidence linking sleep and cognition, especially how sleep quality can optimize brain function.

“We’ve seen previous research that’s shown poor sleep contributes to dementia risk, as well as research showing sleep duration may play a role in cognition,” she said.

“We also need studies that look at sleep as an intervention for cognitive health,” Dr. Snyder said. “Sleep is an important aspect of our overall health. Clinicians should have conversations with their patients about sleep as part of standard discussions about their health habits and wellness.”

The study was funded by the National Institutes of Health, the American Sleep Medicine Foundation, the Roger and Paula Riney Fund, and the Daniel J. Brennan, MD Fund. Dr. Lucey consults for Merck and Eli Lilly. Dr. Snyder has disclosed no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Sara R. Abell, MD, and Rif S. El-Mallakh, MD

Individuals with anxiety will experience frequent or chronic excessive worry, nervousness, a sense of unease, a feeling of being unfocused, and distress, which result in functional impairment.¹ Frequently, anxiety is accompanied by restlessness or muscle tension. Generalized anxiety disorder is one of the most common psychiatric diagnoses in the United States and has a prevalence of 2% to 6% globally.² Although research has been conducted regarding anxiety’s pathogenesis, to date a firm consensus on its etiology has not been reached.³ It is likely multifactorial, with environmental and biologic components.

One area of focus has been neurotransmitters and the possible role they play in the pathogenesis of anxiety. Specifically, the monoamine neurotransmitters have been implicated in the clinical manifestations of anxiety. Among the amines, normal roles include stimulating the autonomic nervous system and regulating numerous cognitive phenomena, such as volition and emotion. Many psychiatric medications modify aminergic transmission, and many current anxiety medications target amine neurotransmitters. Medications that target histamine, serotonin, norepinephrine, and dopamine all play a role in treating anxiety.

In this article, we focus on serotonin (5-hydroxytryptamine, 5-HT) as a mediator of anxiety and on excessive synaptic 5-HT as the cause of anxiety. We discuss how 5-HT–mediated anxiety can be identified and offer some solutions for its treatment.

The amine neurotransmitters

There are 6 amine neurotransmitters in the CNS. These are derived from tyrosine (dopamine [DA], norepinephrine [NE], and epinephrine), histidine (histamine), and tryptophan (serotonin [5-HT] and melatonin). In addition to their physiologic actions, amines have been implicated in both acute and chronic anxiety. Excessive DA stimulation has been linked with fear^4,5; NE elevations are central to hypervigilance and hyperarousal of posttraumatic stress disorder⁶; and histamine may mediate emotional memories involved in fear and anxiety.⁷ Understanding the normal function of 5-HT will aid in understanding its potential problematic role (Box,^8-18page 38).

How serotonin-mediated anxiety presents

“Anxiety” is a collection of signs and symptoms that likely represent multiple processes and have the common characteristic of being subjectively unpleasant, with a subjective wish for the feeling to end. The expression of anxiety disorders is quite diverse and ranges from brief episodes such as panic attacks (which may be mediated, in part, by epinephrine/NE¹⁹) to lifelong stereotypic obsessions and compulsions (which may be mediated, in part, by DA and modified by 5-HT^20,21). Biochemical separation of the anxiety disorders is key to achieving tailored treatment.⁶ Towards this end, it is important to investigate the phenomenon of serotonin-mediated anxiety.

Because clinicians are familiar with reductions of anxiety as selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) increase 5-HT levels in the synapse, it is difficult to conceptualize serotonin-mediated anxiety. However, many of the effects at postsynaptic 5-HT receptors may be biphasic.^15-18 Serotonin-mediated anxiety appears to occur when levels of 5-HT (or stimulation of 5-HT receptors) are particularly high. This is most frequently seen in patients who genetically have high synaptic 5-HT (by virtue of the short form of the 5-HT transporter),²² whose synaptic 5-HT is further increased by treatment with an SSRI,²³ and who are experiencing a stressor that yet further increases their synaptic 5-HT.²⁴ However, it may occur in some individuals with only 2 of these 3 conditions.Clinically, individuals with serotonin-mediated anxiety will usually appear calm. The anxiety they are experiencing is not exhibited in any way in the motor system (ie, they do not appear restless, do not pace, muscle tone is not increased, etc.). However, they will generally complain of an internal agitation, a sense of a negative internal energy. Frequently, they will use descriptions such as “I feel I could jump out of my skin.” As previously mentioned, this is usually in the setting of some environmental stress, in addition to either a pharmacologic (SSRI) or genetic (short form of the 5-HT transporter) reason for increasing synaptic 5-HT, or both.

Almost always, interventions that block multiple postsynaptic 5-HT receptors or discontinuation of the SSRI (if applicable) will alleviate the anxiety, quickly or more slowly, respectively. Sublingual asenapine, which at low doses can block 5-HT2C (Ki = 0.03 nM), 5-HT2A (Ki = 0.07 nM), 5-HT7 (Ki = 0.11 nM), 5-HT2B (Ki = 0.18 nM), and 5-HT6 (Ki = 0.25 nM),^25,26 and which will produce peak plasma levels within 10 minutes,²⁷ usually is quite effective.

Box

Continue to: A key difference: No motor system involvement...

A key difference: No motor system involvement

What distinguishes 5-HT from the other amine transmitters as a mediator of anxiety is the lack of involvement of the motor system. Multiple studies in rats illustrate that exogenously augmenting 5-HT has no effect on levels of locomotor activity. Dopamine depletion is well-characterized in the motor dysfunction of Parkinson’s disease, and DA excess can cause repetitive, stereotyped movements, such as seen in tardive dyskinesia or Huntington’s disease.⁸ In humans, serotonin-mediated anxiety is usually without a motoric component; patients appear calm but complain of extreme anxiety or agitation. Agitation has been reported after initiation of an SSRI,²⁹ and is more likely to occur in patients with the short form of the 5-HT transporter.³⁰ Motoric activation has been reported in some of these studies, but does not seem to cluster with the complaint of agitation.²⁹ The reduced number of available transporters means a chronic steady-state elevation of serotonin, because less serotonin is being removed from the synapse after it is released. This is one of the reasons patients with the short form of the 5-HT transporter may be more susceptible to serotonin-mediated anxiety.

What you need to keep in mind

Pharmacologic treatment of anxiety begins with an SSRI, a serotonin-norepinephrine reuptake inhibitor (SNRI), or buspirone. Second-line treatments include hydroxyzine, gabapentin, pregabalin, and quetiapine.^3,31 However, clinicians need to be aware that a fraction of their patients will report anxiety that will not have any external manifestations, but will be experienced as an unpleasant internal energy. These patients may report an increase in their anxiety levels when started on an SSRI or SNRI.^29,30 This anxiety is most likely mediated by increases of synaptic 5-HT. This occurs because many serotonergic receptors may have a biphasic response, so that too much stimulation is experienced as excessive internal energy.^16-18 In such patients, blockade of key 5-HT receptors may reduce that internal agitation. The advantage of recognizing serotonin-mediated anxiety is that one can specifically tailor treatment to address the patient’s specific physiology.

It is important to note that the anxiolytic effect of asenapine is specific to patients with serotonin-mediated anxiety. Unlike quetiapine, which is effective as augmentation therapy in generalized anxiety disorder,³¹ asenapine does not appear to reduce anxiety in patients with schizophrenia³² or borderline personality disorder³³ when administered for other reasons. However, it may reduce anxiety in patients with the short form of the 5-HT transporter.^30,34

Bottom Line

Serotonin-mediated anxiety occurs when levels of synaptic serotonin (5-HT) are high. Patients with serotonin-mediated anxiety appear calm but will report experiencing an unpleasant internal energy. Interventions that block multiple postsynaptic 5-HT receptors or discontinuation of a selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (if applicable) will alleviate the anxiety.

Related Resource

• Bhatt NV. Anxiety disorders. https://emedicine.medscape. com/article/286227-overview

Drug Brand Names

Asenapine • Saphris, Secuado

Gabapentin • Neurontin

Hydroxyzine • Vistaril

Pregabalin • Lyrica

Quetiapine • Seroquel

Trazodone • Oleptro

Sara R. Abell, MD, and Rif S. El-Mallakh, MD

Individuals with anxiety will experience frequent or chronic excessive worry, nervousness, a sense of unease, a feeling of being unfocused, and distress, which result in functional impairment.¹ Frequently, anxiety is accompanied by restlessness or muscle tension. Generalized anxiety disorder is one of the most common psychiatric diagnoses in the United States and has a prevalence of 2% to 6% globally.² Although research has been conducted regarding anxiety’s pathogenesis, to date a firm consensus on its etiology has not been reached.³ It is likely multifactorial, with environmental and biologic components.

One area of focus has been neurotransmitters and the possible role they play in the pathogenesis of anxiety. Specifically, the monoamine neurotransmitters have been implicated in the clinical manifestations of anxiety. Among the amines, normal roles include stimulating the autonomic nervous system and regulating numerous cognitive phenomena, such as volition and emotion. Many psychiatric medications modify aminergic transmission, and many current anxiety medications target amine neurotransmitters. Medications that target histamine, serotonin, norepinephrine, and dopamine all play a role in treating anxiety.

In this article, we focus on serotonin (5-hydroxytryptamine, 5-HT) as a mediator of anxiety and on excessive synaptic 5-HT as the cause of anxiety. We discuss how 5-HT–mediated anxiety can be identified and offer some solutions for its treatment.

The amine neurotransmitters

There are 6 amine neurotransmitters in the CNS. These are derived from tyrosine (dopamine [DA], norepinephrine [NE], and epinephrine), histidine (histamine), and tryptophan (serotonin [5-HT] and melatonin). In addition to their physiologic actions, amines have been implicated in both acute and chronic anxiety. Excessive DA stimulation has been linked with fear^4,5; NE elevations are central to hypervigilance and hyperarousal of posttraumatic stress disorder⁶; and histamine may mediate emotional memories involved in fear and anxiety.⁷ Understanding the normal function of 5-HT will aid in understanding its potential problematic role (Box,^8-18page 38).

How serotonin-mediated anxiety presents

“Anxiety” is a collection of signs and symptoms that likely represent multiple processes and have the common characteristic of being subjectively unpleasant, with a subjective wish for the feeling to end. The expression of anxiety disorders is quite diverse and ranges from brief episodes such as panic attacks (which may be mediated, in part, by epinephrine/NE¹⁹) to lifelong stereotypic obsessions and compulsions (which may be mediated, in part, by DA and modified by 5-HT^20,21). Biochemical separation of the anxiety disorders is key to achieving tailored treatment.⁶ Towards this end, it is important to investigate the phenomenon of serotonin-mediated anxiety.

Because clinicians are familiar with reductions of anxiety as selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) increase 5-HT levels in the synapse, it is difficult to conceptualize serotonin-mediated anxiety. However, many of the effects at postsynaptic 5-HT receptors may be biphasic.^15-18 Serotonin-mediated anxiety appears to occur when levels of 5-HT (or stimulation of 5-HT receptors) are particularly high. This is most frequently seen in patients who genetically have high synaptic 5-HT (by virtue of the short form of the 5-HT transporter),²² whose synaptic 5-HT is further increased by treatment with an SSRI,²³ and who are experiencing a stressor that yet further increases their synaptic 5-HT.²⁴ However, it may occur in some individuals with only 2 of these 3 conditions.Clinically, individuals with serotonin-mediated anxiety will usually appear calm. The anxiety they are experiencing is not exhibited in any way in the motor system (ie, they do not appear restless, do not pace, muscle tone is not increased, etc.). However, they will generally complain of an internal agitation, a sense of a negative internal energy. Frequently, they will use descriptions such as “I feel I could jump out of my skin.” As previously mentioned, this is usually in the setting of some environmental stress, in addition to either a pharmacologic (SSRI) or genetic (short form of the 5-HT transporter) reason for increasing synaptic 5-HT, or both.

Almost always, interventions that block multiple postsynaptic 5-HT receptors or discontinuation of the SSRI (if applicable) will alleviate the anxiety, quickly or more slowly, respectively. Sublingual asenapine, which at low doses can block 5-HT2C (Ki = 0.03 nM), 5-HT2A (Ki = 0.07 nM), 5-HT7 (Ki = 0.11 nM), 5-HT2B (Ki = 0.18 nM), and 5-HT6 (Ki = 0.25 nM),^25,26 and which will produce peak plasma levels within 10 minutes,²⁷ usually is quite effective.

Box

Continue to: A key difference: No motor system involvement...

A key difference: No motor system involvement

What distinguishes 5-HT from the other amine transmitters as a mediator of anxiety is the lack of involvement of the motor system. Multiple studies in rats illustrate that exogenously augmenting 5-HT has no effect on levels of locomotor activity. Dopamine depletion is well-characterized in the motor dysfunction of Parkinson’s disease, and DA excess can cause repetitive, stereotyped movements, such as seen in tardive dyskinesia or Huntington’s disease.⁸ In humans, serotonin-mediated anxiety is usually without a motoric component; patients appear calm but complain of extreme anxiety or agitation. Agitation has been reported after initiation of an SSRI,²⁹ and is more likely to occur in patients with the short form of the 5-HT transporter.³⁰ Motoric activation has been reported in some of these studies, but does not seem to cluster with the complaint of agitation.²⁹ The reduced number of available transporters means a chronic steady-state elevation of serotonin, because less serotonin is being removed from the synapse after it is released. This is one of the reasons patients with the short form of the 5-HT transporter may be more susceptible to serotonin-mediated anxiety.

What you need to keep in mind

Pharmacologic treatment of anxiety begins with an SSRI, a serotonin-norepinephrine reuptake inhibitor (SNRI), or buspirone. Second-line treatments include hydroxyzine, gabapentin, pregabalin, and quetiapine.^3,31 However, clinicians need to be aware that a fraction of their patients will report anxiety that will not have any external manifestations, but will be experienced as an unpleasant internal energy. These patients may report an increase in their anxiety levels when started on an SSRI or SNRI.^29,30 This anxiety is most likely mediated by increases of synaptic 5-HT. This occurs because many serotonergic receptors may have a biphasic response, so that too much stimulation is experienced as excessive internal energy.^16-18 In such patients, blockade of key 5-HT receptors may reduce that internal agitation. The advantage of recognizing serotonin-mediated anxiety is that one can specifically tailor treatment to address the patient’s specific physiology.

It is important to note that the anxiolytic effect of asenapine is specific to patients with serotonin-mediated anxiety. Unlike quetiapine, which is effective as augmentation therapy in generalized anxiety disorder,³¹ asenapine does not appear to reduce anxiety in patients with schizophrenia³² or borderline personality disorder³³ when administered for other reasons. However, it may reduce anxiety in patients with the short form of the 5-HT transporter.^30,34

Bottom Line

Serotonin-mediated anxiety occurs when levels of synaptic serotonin (5-HT) are high. Patients with serotonin-mediated anxiety appear calm but will report experiencing an unpleasant internal energy. Interventions that block multiple postsynaptic 5-HT receptors or discontinuation of a selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (if applicable) will alleviate the anxiety.

Related Resource

• Bhatt NV. Anxiety disorders. https://emedicine.medscape. com/article/286227-overview

Drug Brand Names

Asenapine • Saphris, Secuado

Gabapentin • Neurontin

Hydroxyzine • Vistaril

Pregabalin • Lyrica

Quetiapine • Seroquel

Trazodone • Oleptro

Sara R. Abell, MD, and Rif S. El-Mallakh, MD

Individuals with anxiety will experience frequent or chronic excessive worry, nervousness, a sense of unease, a feeling of being unfocused, and distress, which result in functional impairment.¹ Frequently, anxiety is accompanied by restlessness or muscle tension. Generalized anxiety disorder is one of the most common psychiatric diagnoses in the United States and has a prevalence of 2% to 6% globally.² Although research has been conducted regarding anxiety’s pathogenesis, to date a firm consensus on its etiology has not been reached.³ It is likely multifactorial, with environmental and biologic components.

One area of focus has been neurotransmitters and the possible role they play in the pathogenesis of anxiety. Specifically, the monoamine neurotransmitters have been implicated in the clinical manifestations of anxiety. Among the amines, normal roles include stimulating the autonomic nervous system and regulating numerous cognitive phenomena, such as volition and emotion. Many psychiatric medications modify aminergic transmission, and many current anxiety medications target amine neurotransmitters. Medications that target histamine, serotonin, norepinephrine, and dopamine all play a role in treating anxiety.

In this article, we focus on serotonin (5-hydroxytryptamine, 5-HT) as a mediator of anxiety and on excessive synaptic 5-HT as the cause of anxiety. We discuss how 5-HT–mediated anxiety can be identified and offer some solutions for its treatment.

The amine neurotransmitters

There are 6 amine neurotransmitters in the CNS. These are derived from tyrosine (dopamine [DA], norepinephrine [NE], and epinephrine), histidine (histamine), and tryptophan (serotonin [5-HT] and melatonin). In addition to their physiologic actions, amines have been implicated in both acute and chronic anxiety. Excessive DA stimulation has been linked with fear^4,5; NE elevations are central to hypervigilance and hyperarousal of posttraumatic stress disorder⁶; and histamine may mediate emotional memories involved in fear and anxiety.⁷ Understanding the normal function of 5-HT will aid in understanding its potential problematic role (Box,^8-18page 38).

How serotonin-mediated anxiety presents

“Anxiety” is a collection of signs and symptoms that likely represent multiple processes and have the common characteristic of being subjectively unpleasant, with a subjective wish for the feeling to end. The expression of anxiety disorders is quite diverse and ranges from brief episodes such as panic attacks (which may be mediated, in part, by epinephrine/NE¹⁹) to lifelong stereotypic obsessions and compulsions (which may be mediated, in part, by DA and modified by 5-HT^20,21). Biochemical separation of the anxiety disorders is key to achieving tailored treatment.⁶ Towards this end, it is important to investigate the phenomenon of serotonin-mediated anxiety.

Because clinicians are familiar with reductions of anxiety as selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) increase 5-HT levels in the synapse, it is difficult to conceptualize serotonin-mediated anxiety. However, many of the effects at postsynaptic 5-HT receptors may be biphasic.^15-18 Serotonin-mediated anxiety appears to occur when levels of 5-HT (or stimulation of 5-HT receptors) are particularly high. This is most frequently seen in patients who genetically have high synaptic 5-HT (by virtue of the short form of the 5-HT transporter),²² whose synaptic 5-HT is further increased by treatment with an SSRI,²³ and who are experiencing a stressor that yet further increases their synaptic 5-HT.²⁴ However, it may occur in some individuals with only 2 of these 3 conditions.Clinically, individuals with serotonin-mediated anxiety will usually appear calm. The anxiety they are experiencing is not exhibited in any way in the motor system (ie, they do not appear restless, do not pace, muscle tone is not increased, etc.). However, they will generally complain of an internal agitation, a sense of a negative internal energy. Frequently, they will use descriptions such as “I feel I could jump out of my skin.” As previously mentioned, this is usually in the setting of some environmental stress, in addition to either a pharmacologic (SSRI) or genetic (short form of the 5-HT transporter) reason for increasing synaptic 5-HT, or both.

Almost always, interventions that block multiple postsynaptic 5-HT receptors or discontinuation of the SSRI (if applicable) will alleviate the anxiety, quickly or more slowly, respectively. Sublingual asenapine, which at low doses can block 5-HT2C (Ki = 0.03 nM), 5-HT2A (Ki = 0.07 nM), 5-HT7 (Ki = 0.11 nM), 5-HT2B (Ki = 0.18 nM), and 5-HT6 (Ki = 0.25 nM),^25,26 and which will produce peak plasma levels within 10 minutes,²⁷ usually is quite effective.

Box

Continue to: A key difference: No motor system involvement...

A key difference: No motor system involvement

What distinguishes 5-HT from the other amine transmitters as a mediator of anxiety is the lack of involvement of the motor system. Multiple studies in rats illustrate that exogenously augmenting 5-HT has no effect on levels of locomotor activity. Dopamine depletion is well-characterized in the motor dysfunction of Parkinson’s disease, and DA excess can cause repetitive, stereotyped movements, such as seen in tardive dyskinesia or Huntington’s disease.⁸ In humans, serotonin-mediated anxiety is usually without a motoric component; patients appear calm but complain of extreme anxiety or agitation. Agitation has been reported after initiation of an SSRI,²⁹ and is more likely to occur in patients with the short form of the 5-HT transporter.³⁰ Motoric activation has been reported in some of these studies, but does not seem to cluster with the complaint of agitation.²⁹ The reduced number of available transporters means a chronic steady-state elevation of serotonin, because less serotonin is being removed from the synapse after it is released. This is one of the reasons patients with the short form of the 5-HT transporter may be more susceptible to serotonin-mediated anxiety.

What you need to keep in mind

Pharmacologic treatment of anxiety begins with an SSRI, a serotonin-norepinephrine reuptake inhibitor (SNRI), or buspirone. Second-line treatments include hydroxyzine, gabapentin, pregabalin, and quetiapine.^3,31 However, clinicians need to be aware that a fraction of their patients will report anxiety that will not have any external manifestations, but will be experienced as an unpleasant internal energy. These patients may report an increase in their anxiety levels when started on an SSRI or SNRI.^29,30 This anxiety is most likely mediated by increases of synaptic 5-HT. This occurs because many serotonergic receptors may have a biphasic response, so that too much stimulation is experienced as excessive internal energy.^16-18 In such patients, blockade of key 5-HT receptors may reduce that internal agitation. The advantage of recognizing serotonin-mediated anxiety is that one can specifically tailor treatment to address the patient’s specific physiology.

It is important to note that the anxiolytic effect of asenapine is specific to patients with serotonin-mediated anxiety. Unlike quetiapine, which is effective as augmentation therapy in generalized anxiety disorder,³¹ asenapine does not appear to reduce anxiety in patients with schizophrenia³² or borderline personality disorder³³ when administered for other reasons. However, it may reduce anxiety in patients with the short form of the 5-HT transporter.^30,34

Bottom Line

Serotonin-mediated anxiety occurs when levels of synaptic serotonin (5-HT) are high. Patients with serotonin-mediated anxiety appear calm but will report experiencing an unpleasant internal energy. Interventions that block multiple postsynaptic 5-HT receptors or discontinuation of a selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (if applicable) will alleviate the anxiety.

Related Resource

• Bhatt NV. Anxiety disorders. https://emedicine.medscape. com/article/286227-overview

Drug Brand Names

Asenapine • Saphris, Secuado

Gabapentin • Neurontin

Hydroxyzine • Vistaril

Pregabalin • Lyrica

Quetiapine • Seroquel

Trazodone • Oleptro

Ms. D is a 48-year-old administrative assistant and married mother of 2 teenagers with a history of adjustment disorder with mixed anxiety and depressed mood. She presents with increasing anxiety, poor sleep, irritability, and occasional feelings of hopelessness in the context of feeling stuck in a “dead-end job.” She describes her main issue as having an uncaring boss with unrealistic expectations. Clearly exasperated, she tells you, “If only I could get rid of my boss, everything would be just fine.”

Ms. D’s situation is common. When confronted with overbearing and demanding supervisors, the natural inclination for some employees is to flee. Symptoms of burnout (eg, emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and decreased personal accomplishment) often occur, sometimes with more serious symptoms of adjustment disorder or even major depressive disorder or generalized anxiety disorder. To help patients such as Ms. D who are experiencing difficulties with their boss, you can use a simple approach aimed at helping them make the decision to stay at the job or leave for other opportunities, while supporting them along the way.

Clarify, then support and explore

A critical addition to the typical evaluation is a full social history, including prior employment and formative relationships, that may inform current workplace dynamics. Does the patient have a pattern of similar circumstances, or is this unusual for her? How does she view the supervisor-employee relationship, and how do power differentials, potential job loss, and subsequent financial impacts further amplify emotional friction?

Once the dynamics are clarified, support and validate her emotional reaction before exploring potential cognitive distortions and her own contributions to the relationship dysfunction. If her tendency is to lash out in anger, she could fan the flames and risk being fired. If her tendency is to cower or freeze, you can help to gradually empower her. Regardless of relationship dynamics, be careful not to medicalize what may simply be a difficult situation.¹ Perhaps she is a perfectionist and minimizes her supervisor’s behaviors that affirm her work and value as a person. In such cases, you can use cognitive-behavioral therapy techniques to help her consider different points of view and nuance. Rarely are people all good or all bad.

Perhaps her perceptions are accurate, and her boss really is a jerk. If this is the case, she likely feels unfairly and helplessly persecuted. She may be suffering from demoralization, or feelings of impotence, isolation, and despair in which her self-esteem is damaged and she feels rejected because of her failure to meet her boss’s and her own expectations.² In cases of demoralization, oddly enough, hospice literature lends some tools to help her. The Table³ provides some common terms associated with demoralization and discussion points you can use to help her move toward “remoralization.”

CASE CONTINUED

Over several visits, Ms. D begins to view the relationship with her supervisor in a different light. She has a conversation with him about what she needs to do personally and what she needs professionally from him to be successful at work. Her supervisor acknowledges he has been demanding and could be more supportive. Together they vow to communicate more clearly and regularly assess progress, including celebrating clear victories. Ms. D ultimately decides to stay at the job, and her symptoms resolve without a “bossectomy.”

Ms. D is a 48-year-old administrative assistant and married mother of 2 teenagers with a history of adjustment disorder with mixed anxiety and depressed mood. She presents with increasing anxiety, poor sleep, irritability, and occasional feelings of hopelessness in the context of feeling stuck in a “dead-end job.” She describes her main issue as having an uncaring boss with unrealistic expectations. Clearly exasperated, she tells you, “If only I could get rid of my boss, everything would be just fine.”

Ms. D’s situation is common. When confronted with overbearing and demanding supervisors, the natural inclination for some employees is to flee. Symptoms of burnout (eg, emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and decreased personal accomplishment) often occur, sometimes with more serious symptoms of adjustment disorder or even major depressive disorder or generalized anxiety disorder. To help patients such as Ms. D who are experiencing difficulties with their boss, you can use a simple approach aimed at helping them make the decision to stay at the job or leave for other opportunities, while supporting them along the way.

Clarify, then support and explore

A critical addition to the typical evaluation is a full social history, including prior employment and formative relationships, that may inform current workplace dynamics. Does the patient have a pattern of similar circumstances, or is this unusual for her? How does she view the supervisor-employee relationship, and how do power differentials, potential job loss, and subsequent financial impacts further amplify emotional friction?

Once the dynamics are clarified, support and validate her emotional reaction before exploring potential cognitive distortions and her own contributions to the relationship dysfunction. If her tendency is to lash out in anger, she could fan the flames and risk being fired. If her tendency is to cower or freeze, you can help to gradually empower her. Regardless of relationship dynamics, be careful not to medicalize what may simply be a difficult situation.¹ Perhaps she is a perfectionist and minimizes her supervisor’s behaviors that affirm her work and value as a person. In such cases, you can use cognitive-behavioral therapy techniques to help her consider different points of view and nuance. Rarely are people all good or all bad.

Perhaps her perceptions are accurate, and her boss really is a jerk. If this is the case, she likely feels unfairly and helplessly persecuted. She may be suffering from demoralization, or feelings of impotence, isolation, and despair in which her self-esteem is damaged and she feels rejected because of her failure to meet her boss’s and her own expectations.² In cases of demoralization, oddly enough, hospice literature lends some tools to help her. The Table³ provides some common terms associated with demoralization and discussion points you can use to help her move toward “remoralization.”

CASE CONTINUED

Over several visits, Ms. D begins to view the relationship with her supervisor in a different light. She has a conversation with him about what she needs to do personally and what she needs professionally from him to be successful at work. Her supervisor acknowledges he has been demanding and could be more supportive. Together they vow to communicate more clearly and regularly assess progress, including celebrating clear victories. Ms. D ultimately decides to stay at the job, and her symptoms resolve without a “bossectomy.”

Ms. D is a 48-year-old administrative assistant and married mother of 2 teenagers with a history of adjustment disorder with mixed anxiety and depressed mood. She presents with increasing anxiety, poor sleep, irritability, and occasional feelings of hopelessness in the context of feeling stuck in a “dead-end job.” She describes her main issue as having an uncaring boss with unrealistic expectations. Clearly exasperated, she tells you, “If only I could get rid of my boss, everything would be just fine.”

Ms. D’s situation is common. When confronted with overbearing and demanding supervisors, the natural inclination for some employees is to flee. Symptoms of burnout (eg, emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and decreased personal accomplishment) often occur, sometimes with more serious symptoms of adjustment disorder or even major depressive disorder or generalized anxiety disorder. To help patients such as Ms. D who are experiencing difficulties with their boss, you can use a simple approach aimed at helping them make the decision to stay at the job or leave for other opportunities, while supporting them along the way.

Clarify, then support and explore

A critical addition to the typical evaluation is a full social history, including prior employment and formative relationships, that may inform current workplace dynamics. Does the patient have a pattern of similar circumstances, or is this unusual for her? How does she view the supervisor-employee relationship, and how do power differentials, potential job loss, and subsequent financial impacts further amplify emotional friction?

Once the dynamics are clarified, support and validate her emotional reaction before exploring potential cognitive distortions and her own contributions to the relationship dysfunction. If her tendency is to lash out in anger, she could fan the flames and risk being fired. If her tendency is to cower or freeze, you can help to gradually empower her. Regardless of relationship dynamics, be careful not to medicalize what may simply be a difficult situation.¹ Perhaps she is a perfectionist and minimizes her supervisor’s behaviors that affirm her work and value as a person. In such cases, you can use cognitive-behavioral therapy techniques to help her consider different points of view and nuance. Rarely are people all good or all bad.

Perhaps her perceptions are accurate, and her boss really is a jerk. If this is the case, she likely feels unfairly and helplessly persecuted. She may be suffering from demoralization, or feelings of impotence, isolation, and despair in which her self-esteem is damaged and she feels rejected because of her failure to meet her boss’s and her own expectations.² In cases of demoralization, oddly enough, hospice literature lends some tools to help her. The Table³ provides some common terms associated with demoralization and discussion points you can use to help her move toward “remoralization.”

CASE CONTINUED

Over several visits, Ms. D begins to view the relationship with her supervisor in a different light. She has a conversation with him about what she needs to do personally and what she needs professionally from him to be successful at work. Her supervisor acknowledges he has been demanding and could be more supportive. Together they vow to communicate more clearly and regularly assess progress, including celebrating clear victories. Ms. D ultimately decides to stay at the job, and her symptoms resolve without a “bossectomy.”

Inside the emergency department at Sparrow Hospital in Lansing, Mich., staff members are struggling to care for patients showing up much sicker than they’ve ever seen.

Tiffani Dusang, the ER’s nursing director, practically vibrates with pent-up anxiety, looking at patients lying on a long line of stretchers pushed up against the beige walls of the hospital hallways. “It’s hard to watch,” she said in a warm Texas twang.

But there’s nothing she can do. The ER’s 72 rooms are already filled.

“I always feel very, very bad when I walk down the hallway and see that people are in pain, or needing to sleep, or needing quiet. But they have to be in the hallway with, as you can see, 10 or 15 people walking by every minute,” Ms. Dusang said.

The scene is a stark contrast to where this emergency department — and thousands of others — were at the start of the pandemic. Except for initial hot spots like New York City, in spring 2020 many ERs across the country were often eerily empty. Terrified of contracting COVID-19, people who were sick with other things did their best to stay away from hospitals. Visits to emergency rooms dropped to half their typical levels, according to the Epic Health Research Network, and didn’t fully rebound until this summer.

But now, they’re too full. Even in parts of the country where covid isn’t overwhelming the health system, patients are showing up to the ER sicker than before the pandemic, their diseases more advanced and in need of more complicated care.

Months of treatment delays have exacerbated chronic conditions and worsened symptoms. Doctors and nurses say the severity of illness ranges widely and includes abdominal pain, respiratory problems, blood clots, heart conditions and suicide attempts, among other conditions.

But they can hardly be accommodated. Emergency departments, ideally, are meant to be brief ports in a storm, with patients staying just long enough to be sent home with instructions to follow up with primary care physicians, or sufficiently stabilized to be transferred “upstairs” to inpatient or intensive care units.

Except now those long-term care floors are full too, with a mix of covid and non-covid patients. People coming to the ER get warehoused for hours, even days, forcing ER staffers to perform long-term care roles they weren’t trained to do.

At Sparrow, space is a valuable commodity in the ER: A separate section of the hospital was turned into an overflow unit. Stretchers stack up in halls. A row of brown reclining chairs lines a wall, intended for patients who aren’t sick enough for a stretcher but are too sick to stay in the main waiting room.

Forget privacy, Alejos Perrientoz learned when he arrived. He came to the ER because his arm had been tingling and painful for over a week. He couldn’t hold a cup of coffee. A nurse gave him a full physical exam in a brown recliner, which made him self-conscious about having his shirt lifted in front of strangers. “I felt a little uncomfortable,” he whispered. “But I have no choice, you know? I’m in the hallway. There’s no rooms.

“We could have done the physical in the parking lot,” he added, managing a laugh.

Even patients who arrive by ambulance are not guaranteed a room: One nurse runs triage, screening those who absolutely need a bed, and those who can be put in the waiting area.

“I hate that we even have to make that determination,” MS. Dusang said. Lately, staff members have been pulling out some patients already in the ER’s rooms when others arrive who are more critically ill. “No one likes to take someone out of the privacy of their room and say, ‘We’re going to put you in a hallway because we need to get care to someone else.’”

ER patients have grown sicker

“We are hearing from members in every part of the country,” said Dr. Lisa Moreno, president of the American Academy of Emergency Medicine. “The Midwest, the South, the Northeast, the West … they are seeing this exact same phenomenon.”

Although the number of ER visits returned to pre-COVID levels this summer, admission rates, from the ER to the hospital’s inpatient floors, are still almost 20% higher. That’s according to the most recent analysis by the Epic Health Research Network, which pulls data from more than 120 million patients across the country.

“It’s an early indicator that what’s happening in the ED is that we’re seeing more acute cases than we were pre-pandemic,” said Caleb Cox, a data scientist at Epic.

Less acute cases, such as people with health issues like rashes or conjunctivitis, still aren’t going to the ER as much as they used to. Instead, they may be opting for an urgent care center or their primary care doctor, Mr. Cox explained. Meanwhile, there has been an increase in people coming to the ER with more serious conditions, like strokes and heart attacks.

So, even though the total number of patients coming to ERs is about the same as before the pandemic, “that’s absolutely going to feel like [if I’m an ER doctor or nurse] I’m seeing more patients and I’m seeing more acute patients,” Mr. Cox said.

Dr. Moreno, the AAEM president, works at an emergency department in New Orleans. She said the level of illness, and the inability to admit patients quickly and move them to beds upstairs, has created a level of chaos she described as “not even humane.”

At the beginning of a recent shift, she heard a patient crying nearby and went to investigate. It was a paraplegic man who’d recently had surgery for colon cancer. His large post-operative wound was sealed with a device called a wound vac, which pulls fluid from the wound into a drainage tube attached to a portable vacuum pump.

But the wound vac had malfunctioned, which is why he had come to the ER. Staffers were so busy, however, that by the time Dr. Moreno came in, the fluid from his wound was leaking everywhere.

“When I went in, the bed was covered,” she recalled. “I mean, he was lying in a puddle of secretions from this wound. And he was crying, because he said to me, ‘I’m paralyzed. I can’t move to get away from all these secretions, and I know I’m going to end up getting an infection. I know I’m going to end up getting an ulcer. I’ve been laying in this for, like, eight or nine hours.’”

The nurse in charge of his care told Dr. Moreno she simply hadn’t had time to help this patient yet. “She said, ‘I’ve had so many patients to take care of, and so many critical patients. I started [an IV] drip on this person. This person is on a cardiac monitor. I just didn’t have time to get in there.’”

“This is not humane care,” Dr. Moreno said. “This is horrible care.”

But it’s what can happen when emergency department staffers don’t have the resources they need to deal with the onslaught of competing demands.

“All the nurses and doctors had the highest level of intent to do the right thing for the person,” Dr. Moreno said. “But because of the high acuity of … a large number of patients, the staffing ratio of nurse to patient, even the staffing ratio of doctor to patient, this guy did not get the care that he deserved to get, just as a human being.”

The instance of unintended neglect that Dr. Moreno saw is extreme, and not the experience of most patients who arrive at ERs these days. But the problem is not new: Even before the pandemic, ER overcrowding had been a “widespread problem and a source of patient harm, according to a recent commentary in NEJM Catalyst Innovations in Care Delivery.

“ED crowding is not an issue of inconvenience,” the authors wrote. “There is incontrovertible evidence that ED crowding leads to significant patient harm, including morbidity and mortality related to consequential delays of treatment for both high- and low-acuity patients.”

And already-overwhelmed staffers are burning out.

Burnout feeds staffing shortages, and vice versa

Every morning, Tiffani Dusang wakes up and checks her Sparrow email with one singular hope: that she will not see yet another nurse resignation letter in her inbox.

“I cannot tell you how many of them [the nurses] tell me they went home crying” after their shifts, she said.

Despite Ms. Dusang’s best efforts to support her staffers, they’re leaving too fast to be replaced, either to take higher-paying gigs as a travel nurse, to try a less-stressful type of nursing, or simply walking away from the profession entirely.

Kelly Spitz has been an emergency department nurse at Sparrow for 10 years. But, lately, she has also fantasized about leaving. “It has crossed my mind several times,” she said, and yet she continues to come back. “Because I have a team here. And I love what I do.” But then she started to cry. The issue is not the hard work, or even the stress. She struggles with not being able to give her patients the kind of care and attention she wants to give them, and that they need and deserve, she said.

She often thinks about a patient whose test results revealed terminal cancer, she said. Ms. Spitz spent all day working the phones, hustling case managers, trying to get hospice care set up in the man’s home. He was going to die, and she just didn’t want him to have to die in the hospital, where only one visitor was allowed. She wanted to get him home, and back with his family.

Finally, after many hours, they found an ambulance to take him home.

Three days later, the man’s family members called Ms. Spitz: He had died surrounded by family. They were calling to thank her.

“I felt like I did my job there, because I got him home,” she said. But that’s a rare feeling these days. “I just hope it gets better. I hope it gets better soon.”

Around 4 p.m. at Sparrow Hospital as one shift approached its end, Ms. Dusang faced a new crisis: The overnight shift was more short-staffed than usual.

“Can we get two inpatient nurses?” she asked, hoping to borrow two nurses from one of the hospital floors upstairs.

“Already tried,” replied nurse Troy Latunski.

Without more staff, it’s going to be hard to care for new patients who come in overnight — from car crashes to seizures or other emergencies.

But Mr. Latunski had a plan: He would go home, snatch a few hours of sleep and return at 11 p.m. to work the overnight shift in the ER’s overflow unit. That meant he would be largely caring for eight patients, alone. On just a few short hours of sleep. But lately that seemed to be their only, and best, option.

Ms. Dusang considered for a moment, took a deep breath and nodded. “OK,” she said.

“Go home. Get some sleep. Thank you,” she added, shooting Mr. Latunski a grateful smile. And then she pivoted, because another nurse was approaching with an urgent question. On to the next crisis.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation. This story is part of a partnership that includes Michigan Radio, NPR and KHN.

Inside the emergency department at Sparrow Hospital in Lansing, Mich., staff members are struggling to care for patients showing up much sicker than they’ve ever seen.

Tiffani Dusang, the ER’s nursing director, practically vibrates with pent-up anxiety, looking at patients lying on a long line of stretchers pushed up against the beige walls of the hospital hallways. “It’s hard to watch,” she said in a warm Texas twang.

But there’s nothing she can do. The ER’s 72 rooms are already filled.

“I always feel very, very bad when I walk down the hallway and see that people are in pain, or needing to sleep, or needing quiet. But they have to be in the hallway with, as you can see, 10 or 15 people walking by every minute,” Ms. Dusang said.

The scene is a stark contrast to where this emergency department — and thousands of others — were at the start of the pandemic. Except for initial hot spots like New York City, in spring 2020 many ERs across the country were often eerily empty. Terrified of contracting COVID-19, people who were sick with other things did their best to stay away from hospitals. Visits to emergency rooms dropped to half their typical levels, according to the Epic Health Research Network, and didn’t fully rebound until this summer.

But now, they’re too full. Even in parts of the country where covid isn’t overwhelming the health system, patients are showing up to the ER sicker than before the pandemic, their diseases more advanced and in need of more complicated care.

Months of treatment delays have exacerbated chronic conditions and worsened symptoms. Doctors and nurses say the severity of illness ranges widely and includes abdominal pain, respiratory problems, blood clots, heart conditions and suicide attempts, among other conditions.

But they can hardly be accommodated. Emergency departments, ideally, are meant to be brief ports in a storm, with patients staying just long enough to be sent home with instructions to follow up with primary care physicians, or sufficiently stabilized to be transferred “upstairs” to inpatient or intensive care units.

Except now those long-term care floors are full too, with a mix of covid and non-covid patients. People coming to the ER get warehoused for hours, even days, forcing ER staffers to perform long-term care roles they weren’t trained to do.

At Sparrow, space is a valuable commodity in the ER: A separate section of the hospital was turned into an overflow unit. Stretchers stack up in halls. A row of brown reclining chairs lines a wall, intended for patients who aren’t sick enough for a stretcher but are too sick to stay in the main waiting room.

Forget privacy, Alejos Perrientoz learned when he arrived. He came to the ER because his arm had been tingling and painful for over a week. He couldn’t hold a cup of coffee. A nurse gave him a full physical exam in a brown recliner, which made him self-conscious about having his shirt lifted in front of strangers. “I felt a little uncomfortable,” he whispered. “But I have no choice, you know? I’m in the hallway. There’s no rooms.

“We could have done the physical in the parking lot,” he added, managing a laugh.

Even patients who arrive by ambulance are not guaranteed a room: One nurse runs triage, screening those who absolutely need a bed, and those who can be put in the waiting area.

“I hate that we even have to make that determination,” MS. Dusang said. Lately, staff members have been pulling out some patients already in the ER’s rooms when others arrive who are more critically ill. “No one likes to take someone out of the privacy of their room and say, ‘We’re going to put you in a hallway because we need to get care to someone else.’”

ER patients have grown sicker

“We are hearing from members in every part of the country,” said Dr. Lisa Moreno, president of the American Academy of Emergency Medicine. “The Midwest, the South, the Northeast, the West … they are seeing this exact same phenomenon.”

Although the number of ER visits returned to pre-COVID levels this summer, admission rates, from the ER to the hospital’s inpatient floors, are still almost 20% higher. That’s according to the most recent analysis by the Epic Health Research Network, which pulls data from more than 120 million patients across the country.

“It’s an early indicator that what’s happening in the ED is that we’re seeing more acute cases than we were pre-pandemic,” said Caleb Cox, a data scientist at Epic.

Less acute cases, such as people with health issues like rashes or conjunctivitis, still aren’t going to the ER as much as they used to. Instead, they may be opting for an urgent care center or their primary care doctor, Mr. Cox explained. Meanwhile, there has been an increase in people coming to the ER with more serious conditions, like strokes and heart attacks.

So, even though the total number of patients coming to ERs is about the same as before the pandemic, “that’s absolutely going to feel like [if I’m an ER doctor or nurse] I’m seeing more patients and I’m seeing more acute patients,” Mr. Cox said.

Dr. Moreno, the AAEM president, works at an emergency department in New Orleans. She said the level of illness, and the inability to admit patients quickly and move them to beds upstairs, has created a level of chaos she described as “not even humane.”

At the beginning of a recent shift, she heard a patient crying nearby and went to investigate. It was a paraplegic man who’d recently had surgery for colon cancer. His large post-operative wound was sealed with a device called a wound vac, which pulls fluid from the wound into a drainage tube attached to a portable vacuum pump.

But the wound vac had malfunctioned, which is why he had come to the ER. Staffers were so busy, however, that by the time Dr. Moreno came in, the fluid from his wound was leaking everywhere.

“When I went in, the bed was covered,” she recalled. “I mean, he was lying in a puddle of secretions from this wound. And he was crying, because he said to me, ‘I’m paralyzed. I can’t move to get away from all these secretions, and I know I’m going to end up getting an infection. I know I’m going to end up getting an ulcer. I’ve been laying in this for, like, eight or nine hours.’”

The nurse in charge of his care told Dr. Moreno she simply hadn’t had time to help this patient yet. “She said, ‘I’ve had so many patients to take care of, and so many critical patients. I started [an IV] drip on this person. This person is on a cardiac monitor. I just didn’t have time to get in there.’”

“This is not humane care,” Dr. Moreno said. “This is horrible care.”

But it’s what can happen when emergency department staffers don’t have the resources they need to deal with the onslaught of competing demands.

“All the nurses and doctors had the highest level of intent to do the right thing for the person,” Dr. Moreno said. “But because of the high acuity of … a large number of patients, the staffing ratio of nurse to patient, even the staffing ratio of doctor to patient, this guy did not get the care that he deserved to get, just as a human being.”

The instance of unintended neglect that Dr. Moreno saw is extreme, and not the experience of most patients who arrive at ERs these days. But the problem is not new: Even before the pandemic, ER overcrowding had been a “widespread problem and a source of patient harm, according to a recent commentary in NEJM Catalyst Innovations in Care Delivery.

“ED crowding is not an issue of inconvenience,” the authors wrote. “There is incontrovertible evidence that ED crowding leads to significant patient harm, including morbidity and mortality related to consequential delays of treatment for both high- and low-acuity patients.”

And already-overwhelmed staffers are burning out.

Burnout feeds staffing shortages, and vice versa

Every morning, Tiffani Dusang wakes up and checks her Sparrow email with one singular hope: that she will not see yet another nurse resignation letter in her inbox.

“I cannot tell you how many of them [the nurses] tell me they went home crying” after their shifts, she said.

Despite Ms. Dusang’s best efforts to support her staffers, they’re leaving too fast to be replaced, either to take higher-paying gigs as a travel nurse, to try a less-stressful type of nursing, or simply walking away from the profession entirely.

Kelly Spitz has been an emergency department nurse at Sparrow for 10 years. But, lately, she has also fantasized about leaving. “It has crossed my mind several times,” she said, and yet she continues to come back. “Because I have a team here. And I love what I do.” But then she started to cry. The issue is not the hard work, or even the stress. She struggles with not being able to give her patients the kind of care and attention she wants to give them, and that they need and deserve, she said.

She often thinks about a patient whose test results revealed terminal cancer, she said. Ms. Spitz spent all day working the phones, hustling case managers, trying to get hospice care set up in the man’s home. He was going to die, and she just didn’t want him to have to die in the hospital, where only one visitor was allowed. She wanted to get him home, and back with his family.

Finally, after many hours, they found an ambulance to take him home.

Three days later, the man’s family members called Ms. Spitz: He had died surrounded by family. They were calling to thank her.

“I felt like I did my job there, because I got him home,” she said. But that’s a rare feeling these days. “I just hope it gets better. I hope it gets better soon.”

Around 4 p.m. at Sparrow Hospital as one shift approached its end, Ms. Dusang faced a new crisis: The overnight shift was more short-staffed than usual.

“Can we get two inpatient nurses?” she asked, hoping to borrow two nurses from one of the hospital floors upstairs.

“Already tried,” replied nurse Troy Latunski.

Without more staff, it’s going to be hard to care for new patients who come in overnight — from car crashes to seizures or other emergencies.

But Mr. Latunski had a plan: He would go home, snatch a few hours of sleep and return at 11 p.m. to work the overnight shift in the ER’s overflow unit. That meant he would be largely caring for eight patients, alone. On just a few short hours of sleep. But lately that seemed to be their only, and best, option.

Ms. Dusang considered for a moment, took a deep breath and nodded. “OK,” she said.

“Go home. Get some sleep. Thank you,” she added, shooting Mr. Latunski a grateful smile. And then she pivoted, because another nurse was approaching with an urgent question. On to the next crisis.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation. This story is part of a partnership that includes Michigan Radio, NPR and KHN.

Inside the emergency department at Sparrow Hospital in Lansing, Mich., staff members are struggling to care for patients showing up much sicker than they’ve ever seen.

Tiffani Dusang, the ER’s nursing director, practically vibrates with pent-up anxiety, looking at patients lying on a long line of stretchers pushed up against the beige walls of the hospital hallways. “It’s hard to watch,” she said in a warm Texas twang.

But there’s nothing she can do. The ER’s 72 rooms are already filled.

“I always feel very, very bad when I walk down the hallway and see that people are in pain, or needing to sleep, or needing quiet. But they have to be in the hallway with, as you can see, 10 or 15 people walking by every minute,” Ms. Dusang said.

The scene is a stark contrast to where this emergency department — and thousands of others — were at the start of the pandemic. Except for initial hot spots like New York City, in spring 2020 many ERs across the country were often eerily empty. Terrified of contracting COVID-19, people who were sick with other things did their best to stay away from hospitals. Visits to emergency rooms dropped to half their typical levels, according to the Epic Health Research Network, and didn’t fully rebound until this summer.

But now, they’re too full. Even in parts of the country where covid isn’t overwhelming the health system, patients are showing up to the ER sicker than before the pandemic, their diseases more advanced and in need of more complicated care.

Months of treatment delays have exacerbated chronic conditions and worsened symptoms. Doctors and nurses say the severity of illness ranges widely and includes abdominal pain, respiratory problems, blood clots, heart conditions and suicide attempts, among other conditions.

But they can hardly be accommodated. Emergency departments, ideally, are meant to be brief ports in a storm, with patients staying just long enough to be sent home with instructions to follow up with primary care physicians, or sufficiently stabilized to be transferred “upstairs” to inpatient or intensive care units.

Except now those long-term care floors are full too, with a mix of covid and non-covid patients. People coming to the ER get warehoused for hours, even days, forcing ER staffers to perform long-term care roles they weren’t trained to do.

At Sparrow, space is a valuable commodity in the ER: A separate section of the hospital was turned into an overflow unit. Stretchers stack up in halls. A row of brown reclining chairs lines a wall, intended for patients who aren’t sick enough for a stretcher but are too sick to stay in the main waiting room.

Forget privacy, Alejos Perrientoz learned when he arrived. He came to the ER because his arm had been tingling and painful for over a week. He couldn’t hold a cup of coffee. A nurse gave him a full physical exam in a brown recliner, which made him self-conscious about having his shirt lifted in front of strangers. “I felt a little uncomfortable,” he whispered. “But I have no choice, you know? I’m in the hallway. There’s no rooms.

“We could have done the physical in the parking lot,” he added, managing a laugh.

Even patients who arrive by ambulance are not guaranteed a room: One nurse runs triage, screening those who absolutely need a bed, and those who can be put in the waiting area.

“I hate that we even have to make that determination,” MS. Dusang said. Lately, staff members have been pulling out some patients already in the ER’s rooms when others arrive who are more critically ill. “No one likes to take someone out of the privacy of their room and say, ‘We’re going to put you in a hallway because we need to get care to someone else.’”

ER patients have grown sicker

“We are hearing from members in every part of the country,” said Dr. Lisa Moreno, president of the American Academy of Emergency Medicine. “The Midwest, the South, the Northeast, the West … they are seeing this exact same phenomenon.”

Although the number of ER visits returned to pre-COVID levels this summer, admission rates, from the ER to the hospital’s inpatient floors, are still almost 20% higher. That’s according to the most recent analysis by the Epic Health Research Network, which pulls data from more than 120 million patients across the country.

“It’s an early indicator that what’s happening in the ED is that we’re seeing more acute cases than we were pre-pandemic,” said Caleb Cox, a data scientist at Epic.

Less acute cases, such as people with health issues like rashes or conjunctivitis, still aren’t going to the ER as much as they used to. Instead, they may be opting for an urgent care center or their primary care doctor, Mr. Cox explained. Meanwhile, there has been an increase in people coming to the ER with more serious conditions, like strokes and heart attacks.

So, even though the total number of patients coming to ERs is about the same as before the pandemic, “that’s absolutely going to feel like [if I’m an ER doctor or nurse] I’m seeing more patients and I’m seeing more acute patients,” Mr. Cox said.

Dr. Moreno, the AAEM president, works at an emergency department in New Orleans. She said the level of illness, and the inability to admit patients quickly and move them to beds upstairs, has created a level of chaos she described as “not even humane.”

At the beginning of a recent shift, she heard a patient crying nearby and went to investigate. It was a paraplegic man who’d recently had surgery for colon cancer. His large post-operative wound was sealed with a device called a wound vac, which pulls fluid from the wound into a drainage tube attached to a portable vacuum pump.

But the wound vac had malfunctioned, which is why he had come to the ER. Staffers were so busy, however, that by the time Dr. Moreno came in, the fluid from his wound was leaking everywhere.

“When I went in, the bed was covered,” she recalled. “I mean, he was lying in a puddle of secretions from this wound. And he was crying, because he said to me, ‘I’m paralyzed. I can’t move to get away from all these secretions, and I know I’m going to end up getting an infection. I know I’m going to end up getting an ulcer. I’ve been laying in this for, like, eight or nine hours.’”

The nurse in charge of his care told Dr. Moreno she simply hadn’t had time to help this patient yet. “She said, ‘I’ve had so many patients to take care of, and so many critical patients. I started [an IV] drip on this person. This person is on a cardiac monitor. I just didn’t have time to get in there.’”

“This is not humane care,” Dr. Moreno said. “This is horrible care.”

But it’s what can happen when emergency department staffers don’t have the resources they need to deal with the onslaught of competing demands.

“All the nurses and doctors had the highest level of intent to do the right thing for the person,” Dr. Moreno said. “But because of the high acuity of … a large number of patients, the staffing ratio of nurse to patient, even the staffing ratio of doctor to patient, this guy did not get the care that he deserved to get, just as a human being.”

The instance of unintended neglect that Dr. Moreno saw is extreme, and not the experience of most patients who arrive at ERs these days. But the problem is not new: Even before the pandemic, ER overcrowding had been a “widespread problem and a source of patient harm, according to a recent commentary in NEJM Catalyst Innovations in Care Delivery.

“ED crowding is not an issue of inconvenience,” the authors wrote. “There is incontrovertible evidence that ED crowding leads to significant patient harm, including morbidity and mortality related to consequential delays of treatment for both high- and low-acuity patients.”

And already-overwhelmed staffers are burning out.

Burnout feeds staffing shortages, and vice versa

Every morning, Tiffani Dusang wakes up and checks her Sparrow email with one singular hope: that she will not see yet another nurse resignation letter in her inbox.

“I cannot tell you how many of them [the nurses] tell me they went home crying” after their shifts, she said.

Despite Ms. Dusang’s best efforts to support her staffers, they’re leaving too fast to be replaced, either to take higher-paying gigs as a travel nurse, to try a less-stressful type of nursing, or simply walking away from the profession entirely.

Kelly Spitz has been an emergency department nurse at Sparrow for 10 years. But, lately, she has also fantasized about leaving. “It has crossed my mind several times,” she said, and yet she continues to come back. “Because I have a team here. And I love what I do.” But then she started to cry. The issue is not the hard work, or even the stress. She struggles with not being able to give her patients the kind of care and attention she wants to give them, and that they need and deserve, she said.

She often thinks about a patient whose test results revealed terminal cancer, she said. Ms. Spitz spent all day working the phones, hustling case managers, trying to get hospice care set up in the man’s home. He was going to die, and she just didn’t want him to have to die in the hospital, where only one visitor was allowed. She wanted to get him home, and back with his family.

Finally, after many hours, they found an ambulance to take him home.

Three days later, the man’s family members called Ms. Spitz: He had died surrounded by family. They were calling to thank her.

“I felt like I did my job there, because I got him home,” she said. But that’s a rare feeling these days. “I just hope it gets better. I hope it gets better soon.”

Around 4 p.m. at Sparrow Hospital as one shift approached its end, Ms. Dusang faced a new crisis: The overnight shift was more short-staffed than usual.

“Can we get two inpatient nurses?” she asked, hoping to borrow two nurses from one of the hospital floors upstairs.

“Already tried,” replied nurse Troy Latunski.

Without more staff, it’s going to be hard to care for new patients who come in overnight — from car crashes to seizures or other emergencies.

But Mr. Latunski had a plan: He would go home, snatch a few hours of sleep and return at 11 p.m. to work the overnight shift in the ER’s overflow unit. That meant he would be largely caring for eight patients, alone. On just a few short hours of sleep. But lately that seemed to be their only, and best, option.

Ms. Dusang considered for a moment, took a deep breath and nodded. “OK,” she said.

“Go home. Get some sleep. Thank you,” she added, shooting Mr. Latunski a grateful smile. And then she pivoted, because another nurse was approaching with an urgent question. On to the next crisis.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation. This story is part of a partnership that includes Michigan Radio, NPR and KHN.

In this supplement to Current Psychiatry, Greg Mattingly, MD and Manish K. Jha, MBBS review dilemmas and treatment options for patients with tardive dyskinesia.

Click here to read the supplement and earn free CME/CE credits.


 

In this supplement to Current Psychiatry, Greg Mattingly, MD and Manish K. Jha, MBBS review dilemmas and treatment options for patients with tardive dyskinesia.

Click here to read the supplement and earn free CME/CE credits.


 

In this supplement to Current Psychiatry, Greg Mattingly, MD and Manish K. Jha, MBBS review dilemmas and treatment options for patients with tardive dyskinesia.

Click here to read the supplement and earn free CME/CE credits.


 

Almost all physicians write prescriptions, and each prescription requires a physician to assess the risks and benefits of the drug. If an adverse drug reaction occurs, physicians may be called on to defend their risk-benefit assessment in court.

The assessment of risk is complicated when there is a boxed warning that describes potentially serious and life-threatening adverse reactions associated with a drug. Some of our most commonly prescribed drugs have boxed warnings, and drugs that were initially approved by the Food and Drug Administration without boxed warnings may have them added years later.

One serious problem with boxed warnings is that there are no reliable mechanisms for making sure that physicians are aware of them. The warnings are typically not seen by physicians as printed product labels, just as physicians often don’t see the pills and capsules that they prescribe. Pharmacists who receive packaged drugs from manufacturers may be the only ones to see an actual printed boxed warning, but even those pharmacists have little reason to read each label and note changes when handling many bulk packages.

This problem is aggravated by misperceptions that many physicians have about boxed warnings and the increasingly intense scrutiny given to them by mass media and the courts. Lawyers can use boxed warnings to make a drug look dangerous, even when it’s not, and to make physicians look reckless when prescribing it. Therefore, it is important for physicians to understand what boxed warnings are, what they are not, the problems they cause, and how to minimize these problems.
 

What is a ‘boxed warning’?

The marketing and sale of drugs in the United States requires approval by the FDA. Approval requires manufacturers to prepare a document containing “Full Prescribing Information” for the drug and to include a printed copy in every package of the drug that is sold. This document is commonly called a “package insert,” but the FDA designates this document as the manufacturer’s product “label.”

In 1979, the FDA began requiring some labels to appear within thick, black rectangular borders; these have come to be known as boxed warnings. Boxed warnings are usually placed at the beginning of a label. They may be added to the label of a previously approved drug already on the market or included in the product label when first approved and marketed.

The requirement for a boxed warning most often arises when a signal appears during review of postmarketing surveillance data suggesting a possible and plausible association between a drug and an adverse reaction. Warnings may also be initiated in response to petitions from public interest groups, or upon the discovery of serious toxicity in animals. Regardless of their origin, the intent of a boxed warning is to highlight information that may have important therapeutic consequences and warrants heightened awareness among physicians.
 

What a boxed warning is not

A boxed warning is not “issued” by the FDA; it is merely required by the FDA. Specific wording or a template may be suggested by the FDA, but product labels and boxed warnings are written and issued by the manufacturer. This distinction may seem minor, but extensive litigation has occurred over whether manufacturers have met their duty to warn consumers about possible risks when using their products, and this duty cannot be shifted to the FDA.

A boxed warning may not be added to a product label at the option of a manufacturer. The FDA allows a boxed warning only if it requires the warning, to preserve its impact. It should be noted that some medical information sources (e.g., PDR.net) may include a “BOXED WARNING” in their drug monographs, but monographs not written by a manufacturer are not regulated by the FDA, and the text of their boxed warnings do not always correspond to the boxed warning that was approved by the FDA.

A boxed warning is not an indication that revocation of FDA approval is being considered or that it is likely to be revoked. FDA approval is subject to ongoing review and may be revoked at any time, without a prior boxed warning.

A boxed warning is not the highest level of warning. The FDA may require a manufacturer to send out a “Dear Health Care Provider” (DHCP) letter when an even higher or more urgent level of warning is deemed necessary. DHCP letters are usually accompanied by revisions of the product label, but most label revisions – and even most boxed warnings – are not accompanied by DHCP letters.

A boxed warning is not a statement about causation. Most warnings describe an “association” between a drug and an adverse effect, or “increased risk,” or instances of a particular adverse effect that “have been reported” in persons taking a drug. The words in a boxed warning are carefully chosen and require careful reading; in most cases they refrain from stating that a drug actually causes an adverse effect. The postmarketing surveillance data on which most warnings are based generally cannot provide the kind of evidence required to establish causation, and an association may be nothing more than an uncommon manifestation of the disorder for which the drug has been prescribed.

A boxed warning is not a statement about the probability of an adverse reaction occurring. The requirement for a boxed warning correlates better to the new recognition of a possible association than to the probability of an association. For example, penicillin has long been known to cause fatal anaphylaxis in 1/100,000 first-time administrations, but it does not have a boxed warning. The adverse consequences described in boxed warnings are often far less frequent – so much so that most physicians will never see them.

A boxed warning does not define the standard of care. The warning is a requirement imposed on the manufacturer, not on the practice of medicine. For legal purposes, the “standard of care” for the practice of medicine is defined state by state and is typically cast in terms such as “what most physicians would do in similar circumstances.” Physicians often prescribe drugs in spite of boxed warnings, just as they often prescribe drugs for “off label” indications, always balancing risk versus benefit.

A boxed warning does not constitute a contraindication to the use of a medication. Some warnings state that a drug is contraindicated in some situations, but product labels have another mandated section for listing contraindications, and most boxed warnings have no corresponding entry in that section.

A boxed warning does not necessarily constitute current information, nor is it always updated when new or contrary information becomes available. Revisions to boxed warnings, and to product labels in general, are made only after detailed review at the FDA, and the process of deciding whether an existing boxed warning continues to be appropriate may divert limited regulatory resources from more urgent priorities. Consequently, revisions to a boxed warning may lag behind the data that justify a revision by months or years. Revisions may never occur if softening or eliminating a boxed warning is deemed to be not worth the cost by a manufacturer.
 

Boxed warning problems for physicians

There is no reliable mechanism for manufacturers or the FDA to communicate boxed warnings directly to physicians, so it’s not clear how physicians are expected to stay informed about the issuance or revision of boxed warnings. They may first learn about new or revised warnings in the mass media, which is paying ever-increasing attention to press releases from the FDA. However, it can be difficult for the media to accurately convey the subtle and complex nature of a boxed warning in nontechnical terms.

Many physicians subscribe to various medical news alerts and attend continuing medical education (CME) programs, which often do an excellent job of highlighting new warnings, while hospitals, clinics, and pharmacies may broadcast news about boxed warnings in newsletters or other notices. But these notifications are ephemeral and may be missed by physicians who are overwhelmed by email, notices, newsletters, and CME programs.

The warnings that pop up in electronic medical records systems are often so numerous that physicians become trained to ignore them. Printed advertisements in professional journals must include mandated boxed warnings, but their visibility is waning as physicians increasingly read journals online.

Another conundrum is how to inform the public about boxed warnings.

Manufacturers are prohibited from direct-to-consumer advertising of drugs with boxed warnings, although the warnings are easily found on the Internet. Some patients expect and welcome detailed information from their physicians, so it’s a good policy to always and repeatedly review this information with them, especially if they are members of an identified risk group. However, that policy may be counterproductive if it dissuades anxious patients from needed therapy despite risk-benefit considerations that strongly favor it. Boxed warnings are well known to have “spillover effects” in which the aspersions cast by a boxed warning for a relatively small subgroup of patients causes use of a drug to decline among all patients.

Compounding this conundrum is that physicians rarely have sufficient information to gauge the magnitude of a risk, given that boxed warnings are often based on information from surveillance systems that cannot accurately quantify the risk or even establish a causal relationship. The text of a boxed warning generally does not provide the information needed for evidence-based clinical practice such as a quantitative estimate of effect, information about source and trustworthiness of the evidence, and guidance on implementation. For these and other reasons, FDA policies about various boxed warnings have been the target of significant criticism.

Medication guides are one mechanism to address the challenge of informing patients about the risks of drugs they are taking. FDA-approved medication guides are available for most drugs dispensed as outpatient prescriptions, they’re written in plain language for the consumer, and they include paraphrased versions of any boxed warning. Ideally, patients review these guides with their physicians or pharmacists, but the guides may be lengthy and raise questions that may not be answerable (e.g., about incidence rates). Patients may decline to review this information when a drug is prescribed or dispensed, and they may discard printed copies given to them without reading.
 

What can physicians do to minimize boxed warning problems?

Physicians should periodically review the product labels for drugs they commonly prescribe, including drugs they’ve prescribed for a long time. Prescription renewal requests can be used as a prompt to check for changes in a patient’s condition or other medications that might place a patient in the target population of a boxed warning. Physicians can subscribe to newsletters that announce and discuss significant product label changes, including alerts directly from the FDA. Physicians may also enlist their office staff to find and review boxed warnings for drugs being prescribed, noting which ones should require a conversation with any patient who has been or will be receiving this drug. They may want to make explicit mention in their encounter record that a boxed warning, medication guide, or overall risk-benefit assessment has been discussed.

Summary

The nature of boxed warnings, the means by which they are disseminated, and their role in clinical practice are all in great need of improvement. Until that occurs, boxed warnings offer some, but only very limited, help to patients and physicians who struggle to understand the risks of medications.

Dr. Axelsen is professor in the departments of pharmacology, biochemistry, and biophysics, and of medicine, infectious diseases section, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. He disclosed no relevant financial relationships. A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Almost all physicians write prescriptions, and each prescription requires a physician to assess the risks and benefits of the drug. If an adverse drug reaction occurs, physicians may be called on to defend their risk-benefit assessment in court.

The assessment of risk is complicated when there is a boxed warning that describes potentially serious and life-threatening adverse reactions associated with a drug. Some of our most commonly prescribed drugs have boxed warnings, and drugs that were initially approved by the Food and Drug Administration without boxed warnings may have them added years later.

One serious problem with boxed warnings is that there are no reliable mechanisms for making sure that physicians are aware of them. The warnings are typically not seen by physicians as printed product labels, just as physicians often don’t see the pills and capsules that they prescribe. Pharmacists who receive packaged drugs from manufacturers may be the only ones to see an actual printed boxed warning, but even those pharmacists have little reason to read each label and note changes when handling many bulk packages.

This problem is aggravated by misperceptions that many physicians have about boxed warnings and the increasingly intense scrutiny given to them by mass media and the courts. Lawyers can use boxed warnings to make a drug look dangerous, even when it’s not, and to make physicians look reckless when prescribing it. Therefore, it is important for physicians to understand what boxed warnings are, what they are not, the problems they cause, and how to minimize these problems.
 

What is a ‘boxed warning’?

The marketing and sale of drugs in the United States requires approval by the FDA. Approval requires manufacturers to prepare a document containing “Full Prescribing Information” for the drug and to include a printed copy in every package of the drug that is sold. This document is commonly called a “package insert,” but the FDA designates this document as the manufacturer’s product “label.”

In 1979, the FDA began requiring some labels to appear within thick, black rectangular borders; these have come to be known as boxed warnings. Boxed warnings are usually placed at the beginning of a label. They may be added to the label of a previously approved drug already on the market or included in the product label when first approved and marketed.

The requirement for a boxed warning most often arises when a signal appears during review of postmarketing surveillance data suggesting a possible and plausible association between a drug and an adverse reaction. Warnings may also be initiated in response to petitions from public interest groups, or upon the discovery of serious toxicity in animals. Regardless of their origin, the intent of a boxed warning is to highlight information that may have important therapeutic consequences and warrants heightened awareness among physicians.
 

What a boxed warning is not

A boxed warning is not “issued” by the FDA; it is merely required by the FDA. Specific wording or a template may be suggested by the FDA, but product labels and boxed warnings are written and issued by the manufacturer. This distinction may seem minor, but extensive litigation has occurred over whether manufacturers have met their duty to warn consumers about possible risks when using their products, and this duty cannot be shifted to the FDA.

A boxed warning may not be added to a product label at the option of a manufacturer. The FDA allows a boxed warning only if it requires the warning, to preserve its impact. It should be noted that some medical information sources (e.g., PDR.net) may include a “BOXED WARNING” in their drug monographs, but monographs not written by a manufacturer are not regulated by the FDA, and the text of their boxed warnings do not always correspond to the boxed warning that was approved by the FDA.

A boxed warning is not an indication that revocation of FDA approval is being considered or that it is likely to be revoked. FDA approval is subject to ongoing review and may be revoked at any time, without a prior boxed warning.

A boxed warning is not the highest level of warning. The FDA may require a manufacturer to send out a “Dear Health Care Provider” (DHCP) letter when an even higher or more urgent level of warning is deemed necessary. DHCP letters are usually accompanied by revisions of the product label, but most label revisions – and even most boxed warnings – are not accompanied by DHCP letters.

A boxed warning is not a statement about causation. Most warnings describe an “association” between a drug and an adverse effect, or “increased risk,” or instances of a particular adverse effect that “have been reported” in persons taking a drug. The words in a boxed warning are carefully chosen and require careful reading; in most cases they refrain from stating that a drug actually causes an adverse effect. The postmarketing surveillance data on which most warnings are based generally cannot provide the kind of evidence required to establish causation, and an association may be nothing more than an uncommon manifestation of the disorder for which the drug has been prescribed.

A boxed warning is not a statement about the probability of an adverse reaction occurring. The requirement for a boxed warning correlates better to the new recognition of a possible association than to the probability of an association. For example, penicillin has long been known to cause fatal anaphylaxis in 1/100,000 first-time administrations, but it does not have a boxed warning. The adverse consequences described in boxed warnings are often far less frequent – so much so that most physicians will never see them.

A boxed warning does not define the standard of care. The warning is a requirement imposed on the manufacturer, not on the practice of medicine. For legal purposes, the “standard of care” for the practice of medicine is defined state by state and is typically cast in terms such as “what most physicians would do in similar circumstances.” Physicians often prescribe drugs in spite of boxed warnings, just as they often prescribe drugs for “off label” indications, always balancing risk versus benefit.

A boxed warning does not constitute a contraindication to the use of a medication. Some warnings state that a drug is contraindicated in some situations, but product labels have another mandated section for listing contraindications, and most boxed warnings have no corresponding entry in that section.

A boxed warning does not necessarily constitute current information, nor is it always updated when new or contrary information becomes available. Revisions to boxed warnings, and to product labels in general, are made only after detailed review at the FDA, and the process of deciding whether an existing boxed warning continues to be appropriate may divert limited regulatory resources from more urgent priorities. Consequently, revisions to a boxed warning may lag behind the data that justify a revision by months or years. Revisions may never occur if softening or eliminating a boxed warning is deemed to be not worth the cost by a manufacturer.
 

Boxed warning problems for physicians

There is no reliable mechanism for manufacturers or the FDA to communicate boxed warnings directly to physicians, so it’s not clear how physicians are expected to stay informed about the issuance or revision of boxed warnings. They may first learn about new or revised warnings in the mass media, which is paying ever-increasing attention to press releases from the FDA. However, it can be difficult for the media to accurately convey the subtle and complex nature of a boxed warning in nontechnical terms.

Many physicians subscribe to various medical news alerts and attend continuing medical education (CME) programs, which often do an excellent job of highlighting new warnings, while hospitals, clinics, and pharmacies may broadcast news about boxed warnings in newsletters or other notices. But these notifications are ephemeral and may be missed by physicians who are overwhelmed by email, notices, newsletters, and CME programs.

The warnings that pop up in electronic medical records systems are often so numerous that physicians become trained to ignore them. Printed advertisements in professional journals must include mandated boxed warnings, but their visibility is waning as physicians increasingly read journals online.

Another conundrum is how to inform the public about boxed warnings.

Manufacturers are prohibited from direct-to-consumer advertising of drugs with boxed warnings, although the warnings are easily found on the Internet. Some patients expect and welcome detailed information from their physicians, so it’s a good policy to always and repeatedly review this information with them, especially if they are members of an identified risk group. However, that policy may be counterproductive if it dissuades anxious patients from needed therapy despite risk-benefit considerations that strongly favor it. Boxed warnings are well known to have “spillover effects” in which the aspersions cast by a boxed warning for a relatively small subgroup of patients causes use of a drug to decline among all patients.

Compounding this conundrum is that physicians rarely have sufficient information to gauge the magnitude of a risk, given that boxed warnings are often based on information from surveillance systems that cannot accurately quantify the risk or even establish a causal relationship. The text of a boxed warning generally does not provide the information needed for evidence-based clinical practice such as a quantitative estimate of effect, information about source and trustworthiness of the evidence, and guidance on implementation. For these and other reasons, FDA policies about various boxed warnings have been the target of significant criticism.

Medication guides are one mechanism to address the challenge of informing patients about the risks of drugs they are taking. FDA-approved medication guides are available for most drugs dispensed as outpatient prescriptions, they’re written in plain language for the consumer, and they include paraphrased versions of any boxed warning. Ideally, patients review these guides with their physicians or pharmacists, but the guides may be lengthy and raise questions that may not be answerable (e.g., about incidence rates). Patients may decline to review this information when a drug is prescribed or dispensed, and they may discard printed copies given to them without reading.
 

What can physicians do to minimize boxed warning problems?

Physicians should periodically review the product labels for drugs they commonly prescribe, including drugs they’ve prescribed for a long time. Prescription renewal requests can be used as a prompt to check for changes in a patient’s condition or other medications that might place a patient in the target population of a boxed warning. Physicians can subscribe to newsletters that announce and discuss significant product label changes, including alerts directly from the FDA. Physicians may also enlist their office staff to find and review boxed warnings for drugs being prescribed, noting which ones should require a conversation with any patient who has been or will be receiving this drug. They may want to make explicit mention in their encounter record that a boxed warning, medication guide, or overall risk-benefit assessment has been discussed.

Summary

The nature of boxed warnings, the means by which they are disseminated, and their role in clinical practice are all in great need of improvement. Until that occurs, boxed warnings offer some, but only very limited, help to patients and physicians who struggle to understand the risks of medications.

Dr. Axelsen is professor in the departments of pharmacology, biochemistry, and biophysics, and of medicine, infectious diseases section, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. He disclosed no relevant financial relationships. A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Almost all physicians write prescriptions, and each prescription requires a physician to assess the risks and benefits of the drug. If an adverse drug reaction occurs, physicians may be called on to defend their risk-benefit assessment in court.

The assessment of risk is complicated when there is a boxed warning that describes potentially serious and life-threatening adverse reactions associated with a drug. Some of our most commonly prescribed drugs have boxed warnings, and drugs that were initially approved by the Food and Drug Administration without boxed warnings may have them added years later.

One serious problem with boxed warnings is that there are no reliable mechanisms for making sure that physicians are aware of them. The warnings are typically not seen by physicians as printed product labels, just as physicians often don’t see the pills and capsules that they prescribe. Pharmacists who receive packaged drugs from manufacturers may be the only ones to see an actual printed boxed warning, but even those pharmacists have little reason to read each label and note changes when handling many bulk packages.

This problem is aggravated by misperceptions that many physicians have about boxed warnings and the increasingly intense scrutiny given to them by mass media and the courts. Lawyers can use boxed warnings to make a drug look dangerous, even when it’s not, and to make physicians look reckless when prescribing it. Therefore, it is important for physicians to understand what boxed warnings are, what they are not, the problems they cause, and how to minimize these problems.
 

What is a ‘boxed warning’?

The marketing and sale of drugs in the United States requires approval by the FDA. Approval requires manufacturers to prepare a document containing “Full Prescribing Information” for the drug and to include a printed copy in every package of the drug that is sold. This document is commonly called a “package insert,” but the FDA designates this document as the manufacturer’s product “label.”

In 1979, the FDA began requiring some labels to appear within thick, black rectangular borders; these have come to be known as boxed warnings. Boxed warnings are usually placed at the beginning of a label. They may be added to the label of a previously approved drug already on the market or included in the product label when first approved and marketed.

The requirement for a boxed warning most often arises when a signal appears during review of postmarketing surveillance data suggesting a possible and plausible association between a drug and an adverse reaction. Warnings may also be initiated in response to petitions from public interest groups, or upon the discovery of serious toxicity in animals. Regardless of their origin, the intent of a boxed warning is to highlight information that may have important therapeutic consequences and warrants heightened awareness among physicians.
 

What a boxed warning is not

A boxed warning is not “issued” by the FDA; it is merely required by the FDA. Specific wording or a template may be suggested by the FDA, but product labels and boxed warnings are written and issued by the manufacturer. This distinction may seem minor, but extensive litigation has occurred over whether manufacturers have met their duty to warn consumers about possible risks when using their products, and this duty cannot be shifted to the FDA.

A boxed warning may not be added to a product label at the option of a manufacturer. The FDA allows a boxed warning only if it requires the warning, to preserve its impact. It should be noted that some medical information sources (e.g., PDR.net) may include a “BOXED WARNING” in their drug monographs, but monographs not written by a manufacturer are not regulated by the FDA, and the text of their boxed warnings do not always correspond to the boxed warning that was approved by the FDA.

A boxed warning is not an indication that revocation of FDA approval is being considered or that it is likely to be revoked. FDA approval is subject to ongoing review and may be revoked at any time, without a prior boxed warning.

A boxed warning is not the highest level of warning. The FDA may require a manufacturer to send out a “Dear Health Care Provider” (DHCP) letter when an even higher or more urgent level of warning is deemed necessary. DHCP letters are usually accompanied by revisions of the product label, but most label revisions – and even most boxed warnings – are not accompanied by DHCP letters.

A boxed warning is not a statement about causation. Most warnings describe an “association” between a drug and an adverse effect, or “increased risk,” or instances of a particular adverse effect that “have been reported” in persons taking a drug. The words in a boxed warning are carefully chosen and require careful reading; in most cases they refrain from stating that a drug actually causes an adverse effect. The postmarketing surveillance data on which most warnings are based generally cannot provide the kind of evidence required to establish causation, and an association may be nothing more than an uncommon manifestation of the disorder for which the drug has been prescribed.

A boxed warning is not a statement about the probability of an adverse reaction occurring. The requirement for a boxed warning correlates better to the new recognition of a possible association than to the probability of an association. For example, penicillin has long been known to cause fatal anaphylaxis in 1/100,000 first-time administrations, but it does not have a boxed warning. The adverse consequences described in boxed warnings are often far less frequent – so much so that most physicians will never see them.

A boxed warning does not define the standard of care. The warning is a requirement imposed on the manufacturer, not on the practice of medicine. For legal purposes, the “standard of care” for the practice of medicine is defined state by state and is typically cast in terms such as “what most physicians would do in similar circumstances.” Physicians often prescribe drugs in spite of boxed warnings, just as they often prescribe drugs for “off label” indications, always balancing risk versus benefit.

A boxed warning does not constitute a contraindication to the use of a medication. Some warnings state that a drug is contraindicated in some situations, but product labels have another mandated section for listing contraindications, and most boxed warnings have no corresponding entry in that section.

A boxed warning does not necessarily constitute current information, nor is it always updated when new or contrary information becomes available. Revisions to boxed warnings, and to product labels in general, are made only after detailed review at the FDA, and the process of deciding whether an existing boxed warning continues to be appropriate may divert limited regulatory resources from more urgent priorities. Consequently, revisions to a boxed warning may lag behind the data that justify a revision by months or years. Revisions may never occur if softening or eliminating a boxed warning is deemed to be not worth the cost by a manufacturer.
 

Boxed warning problems for physicians

There is no reliable mechanism for manufacturers or the FDA to communicate boxed warnings directly to physicians, so it’s not clear how physicians are expected to stay informed about the issuance or revision of boxed warnings. They may first learn about new or revised warnings in the mass media, which is paying ever-increasing attention to press releases from the FDA. However, it can be difficult for the media to accurately convey the subtle and complex nature of a boxed warning in nontechnical terms.

Many physicians subscribe to various medical news alerts and attend continuing medical education (CME) programs, which often do an excellent job of highlighting new warnings, while hospitals, clinics, and pharmacies may broadcast news about boxed warnings in newsletters or other notices. But these notifications are ephemeral and may be missed by physicians who are overwhelmed by email, notices, newsletters, and CME programs.

The warnings that pop up in electronic medical records systems are often so numerous that physicians become trained to ignore them. Printed advertisements in professional journals must include mandated boxed warnings, but their visibility is waning as physicians increasingly read journals online.

Another conundrum is how to inform the public about boxed warnings.

Manufacturers are prohibited from direct-to-consumer advertising of drugs with boxed warnings, although the warnings are easily found on the Internet. Some patients expect and welcome detailed information from their physicians, so it’s a good policy to always and repeatedly review this information with them, especially if they are members of an identified risk group. However, that policy may be counterproductive if it dissuades anxious patients from needed therapy despite risk-benefit considerations that strongly favor it. Boxed warnings are well known to have “spillover effects” in which the aspersions cast by a boxed warning for a relatively small subgroup of patients causes use of a drug to decline among all patients.

Compounding this conundrum is that physicians rarely have sufficient information to gauge the magnitude of a risk, given that boxed warnings are often based on information from surveillance systems that cannot accurately quantify the risk or even establish a causal relationship. The text of a boxed warning generally does not provide the information needed for evidence-based clinical practice such as a quantitative estimate of effect, information about source and trustworthiness of the evidence, and guidance on implementation. For these and other reasons, FDA policies about various boxed warnings have been the target of significant criticism.

Medication guides are one mechanism to address the challenge of informing patients about the risks of drugs they are taking. FDA-approved medication guides are available for most drugs dispensed as outpatient prescriptions, they’re written in plain language for the consumer, and they include paraphrased versions of any boxed warning. Ideally, patients review these guides with their physicians or pharmacists, but the guides may be lengthy and raise questions that may not be answerable (e.g., about incidence rates). Patients may decline to review this information when a drug is prescribed or dispensed, and they may discard printed copies given to them without reading.
 

What can physicians do to minimize boxed warning problems?

Physicians should periodically review the product labels for drugs they commonly prescribe, including drugs they’ve prescribed for a long time. Prescription renewal requests can be used as a prompt to check for changes in a patient’s condition or other medications that might place a patient in the target population of a boxed warning. Physicians can subscribe to newsletters that announce and discuss significant product label changes, including alerts directly from the FDA. Physicians may also enlist their office staff to find and review boxed warnings for drugs being prescribed, noting which ones should require a conversation with any patient who has been or will be receiving this drug. They may want to make explicit mention in their encounter record that a boxed warning, medication guide, or overall risk-benefit assessment has been discussed.

Summary

The nature of boxed warnings, the means by which they are disseminated, and their role in clinical practice are all in great need of improvement. Until that occurs, boxed warnings offer some, but only very limited, help to patients and physicians who struggle to understand the risks of medications.

Dr. Axelsen is professor in the departments of pharmacology, biochemistry, and biophysics, and of medicine, infectious diseases section, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. He disclosed no relevant financial relationships. A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

There are multiple benefits and few harms from sharing clinical notes in patients with mental illness, results of a poll of international experts show.

As of April 5, 2021, new federal rules in the United States mandate that all patients are offered online access to their electronic health record. 

“Given that sharing notes in psychiatry is likely to be more complicated than in some other specialties, we were unsure whether experts would consider the practice more harmful than beneficial,” Charlotte Blease, PhD, of Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center in Boston, told this news organization.

“However, the results of our poll suggest clinicians’ anxieties about sharing mental health notes with patients may be misplaced. We found clear consensus among experts that the benefits of online access to clinical notes could outweigh the risks,” Dr. Blease said in a news release.

The study was published online in PLOS ONE.

Empowering patients

Investigators used an online Delphi poll, an established methodology used to investigate emerging health care policy – including in psychiatry – to solicit the views of an international panel of experts on the mental health effects of sharing clinical notes.

The panel included clinicians, chief medical information officers, patient advocates, and informatics experts with extensive experience and research knowledge about patient access to mental health notes.

There was consensus among the panel that offering online access to mental health notes could enhance patients’ understanding about their diagnosis, care plan, and rationale for treatments.

There was also consensus that access to clinical notes could enhance patient recall about what was communicated and improve mental health patients’ sense of control over their health care.

The panel also agreed that blocking mental health notes could lead to greater harms including increased feelings of stigmatization.

Confirmatory findings

The poll results support an earlier study by Dr. Blease and colleagues that evaluated the experiences of patients in accessing their online clinical notes. 

Among these patients with major depressive disorder, schizophrenia, schizoaffective disorder, or bipolar-related disorder, “access helped to clarify why medications had been prescribed, improved understanding about side effects, and 20% of patients reported doing a better job taking their meds as prescribed,” said Dr. Blease.

However, the expert panel in the Delphi poll predicted that with “open notes” some patients might demand changes to their clinical notes, and that mental health clinicians might be less detailed/accurate in documenting negative aspects of the patient relationship, details about patients’ personalities, or symptoms of paranoia in patients.

“If some patients feel more judged or offended by what they read, this may undermine the therapeutic relationship. We also need more research into the experiences of patients hospitalized for their care,” she added.

“In some clinical cases where there is more focus on emergency care than in forming a therapeutic relationship, for example emergency department visits, we know almost nothing about the risks and benefits associated with OpenNotes,” senior author John Torous, MD, with Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center and Harvard Medical School, said in an interview.

“One thing is clear,” Dr. Blease said. “Patient access to their online medical records is now mainstream, and we need more clinician education on how to write notes that patients will read, and more guidance among patients on the benefits and risks of accessing their notes.”

Support for this research was provided by a J. F. Keane Scholar Award and a Swedish Research Council on Health, Working Life, and Welfare grant. The authors have disclosed no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

There are multiple benefits and few harms from sharing clinical notes in patients with mental illness, results of a poll of international experts show.

As of April 5, 2021, new federal rules in the United States mandate that all patients are offered online access to their electronic health record. 

“Given that sharing notes in psychiatry is likely to be more complicated than in some other specialties, we were unsure whether experts would consider the practice more harmful than beneficial,” Charlotte Blease, PhD, of Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center in Boston, told this news organization.

“However, the results of our poll suggest clinicians’ anxieties about sharing mental health notes with patients may be misplaced. We found clear consensus among experts that the benefits of online access to clinical notes could outweigh the risks,” Dr. Blease said in a news release.

The study was published online in PLOS ONE.

Empowering patients

Investigators used an online Delphi poll, an established methodology used to investigate emerging health care policy – including in psychiatry – to solicit the views of an international panel of experts on the mental health effects of sharing clinical notes.

The panel included clinicians, chief medical information officers, patient advocates, and informatics experts with extensive experience and research knowledge about patient access to mental health notes.

There was consensus among the panel that offering online access to mental health notes could enhance patients’ understanding about their diagnosis, care plan, and rationale for treatments.

There was also consensus that access to clinical notes could enhance patient recall about what was communicated and improve mental health patients’ sense of control over their health care.

The panel also agreed that blocking mental health notes could lead to greater harms including increased feelings of stigmatization.

Confirmatory findings

The poll results support an earlier study by Dr. Blease and colleagues that evaluated the experiences of patients in accessing their online clinical notes. 

Among these patients with major depressive disorder, schizophrenia, schizoaffective disorder, or bipolar-related disorder, “access helped to clarify why medications had been prescribed, improved understanding about side effects, and 20% of patients reported doing a better job taking their meds as prescribed,” said Dr. Blease.

However, the expert panel in the Delphi poll predicted that with “open notes” some patients might demand changes to their clinical notes, and that mental health clinicians might be less detailed/accurate in documenting negative aspects of the patient relationship, details about patients’ personalities, or symptoms of paranoia in patients.

“If some patients feel more judged or offended by what they read, this may undermine the therapeutic relationship. We also need more research into the experiences of patients hospitalized for their care,” she added.

“In some clinical cases where there is more focus on emergency care than in forming a therapeutic relationship, for example emergency department visits, we know almost nothing about the risks and benefits associated with OpenNotes,” senior author John Torous, MD, with Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center and Harvard Medical School, said in an interview.

“One thing is clear,” Dr. Blease said. “Patient access to their online medical records is now mainstream, and we need more clinician education on how to write notes that patients will read, and more guidance among patients on the benefits and risks of accessing their notes.”

Support for this research was provided by a J. F. Keane Scholar Award and a Swedish Research Council on Health, Working Life, and Welfare grant. The authors have disclosed no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

There are multiple benefits and few harms from sharing clinical notes in patients with mental illness, results of a poll of international experts show.

As of April 5, 2021, new federal rules in the United States mandate that all patients are offered online access to their electronic health record. 

“Given that sharing notes in psychiatry is likely to be more complicated than in some other specialties, we were unsure whether experts would consider the practice more harmful than beneficial,” Charlotte Blease, PhD, of Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center in Boston, told this news organization.

“However, the results of our poll suggest clinicians’ anxieties about sharing mental health notes with patients may be misplaced. We found clear consensus among experts that the benefits of online access to clinical notes could outweigh the risks,” Dr. Blease said in a news release.

The study was published online in PLOS ONE.

Empowering patients

Investigators used an online Delphi poll, an established methodology used to investigate emerging health care policy – including in psychiatry – to solicit the views of an international panel of experts on the mental health effects of sharing clinical notes.

The panel included clinicians, chief medical information officers, patient advocates, and informatics experts with extensive experience and research knowledge about patient access to mental health notes.

There was consensus among the panel that offering online access to mental health notes could enhance patients’ understanding about their diagnosis, care plan, and rationale for treatments.

There was also consensus that access to clinical notes could enhance patient recall about what was communicated and improve mental health patients’ sense of control over their health care.

The panel also agreed that blocking mental health notes could lead to greater harms including increased feelings of stigmatization.

Confirmatory findings

The poll results support an earlier study by Dr. Blease and colleagues that evaluated the experiences of patients in accessing their online clinical notes. 

Among these patients with major depressive disorder, schizophrenia, schizoaffective disorder, or bipolar-related disorder, “access helped to clarify why medications had been prescribed, improved understanding about side effects, and 20% of patients reported doing a better job taking their meds as prescribed,” said Dr. Blease.

However, the expert panel in the Delphi poll predicted that with “open notes” some patients might demand changes to their clinical notes, and that mental health clinicians might be less detailed/accurate in documenting negative aspects of the patient relationship, details about patients’ personalities, or symptoms of paranoia in patients.

“If some patients feel more judged or offended by what they read, this may undermine the therapeutic relationship. We also need more research into the experiences of patients hospitalized for their care,” she added.

“In some clinical cases where there is more focus on emergency care than in forming a therapeutic relationship, for example emergency department visits, we know almost nothing about the risks and benefits associated with OpenNotes,” senior author John Torous, MD, with Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center and Harvard Medical School, said in an interview.

“One thing is clear,” Dr. Blease said. “Patient access to their online medical records is now mainstream, and we need more clinician education on how to write notes that patients will read, and more guidance among patients on the benefits and risks of accessing their notes.”

Support for this research was provided by a J. F. Keane Scholar Award and a Swedish Research Council on Health, Working Life, and Welfare grant. The authors have disclosed no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Medical transition in transgender patients

I just read the article “Writing letters for transgender patients undergoing medical transition” by Dr. Amy Riese (Pearls, Current Psychiatry, August 2021, p. 51-52). I very much appreciate this topic being brought into the light and her excellent guidelines for patients who suffer from gender dysphoria and require medical transition.

I would like to use her piece as an opportunity to highlight what has become a chasm in psychiatric care. Dr. Riese’s article was on the letter itself and not the assessment of a patient with possible gender dysphoria, but assessment is barely mentioned, and is the single most important part of a gender transition process. Assessment has become the huge chasm in treatment. In my community, both personally and professionally, I have witnessed very little assessment taking place, yet a lot of transitioning is happening.

Concerned and caring family members take their child (or self-present if the patient is an adult) to gender specialists for their expertise. What is happening during these evaluations are brief conversations during which the gender specialist accepts a patient’s (sometimes a minor’s) self-diagnosis of gender dysphoria. There is discussion of the importance of being gender-affirming, and the beginning of a discussion of hormone therapy. During these discussions of hormone therapy, there is very little disclosure of some of the untoward effects. I understand this is a generalization, and there are some gender specialists who are doing excellent, thorough assessments. But this is what I am seeing in my community, to the point that I have no local specialists to whom I feel comfortable sending my patients who may have gender dysphoria.

During discussions, some of the significant medical outcomes of hormone therapy (immunosuppression, loss of bone density, sterility, increased risk of certain types of cancer, etc.) are not mentioned, or are mentioned in passing. Clinicians have begun using euphemisms such as “top surgery” or “upper body surgery,” as used in Dr. Riese’s article, rather than the medically accurate term, which is “bilateral mastectomy.” These behaviors are being manifested by mostly well-meaning clinicians, and start the process of ushering a patient down a one-way street toward a medical transition.

In April of this year, a prestigious institution in my state did a training on aspects of treating transgender and nonbinary youth. The training advocated giving less information to transgender youth regarding the effects of treatment on fertility, arguing that giving adequate information would disrupt the normal course of development. However, we are allowing these same youth to consent for treatment.

This is a very destructive phenomenon, and only time will tell what the psychiatric outcomes will be for patients who medically transition who did not have an adequate assessment. After so much loss under the auspices of treatment, one would hope that at the very least, these children and young adults would be in a better place psychologically, that they would finally be happy and fulfilled in their new reality, that their mental anguish would evaporate, and with it, their risk of suicide. And this may be true if the patient had gender dysphoria.

But what about the patients who did not have an adequate assessment, whose self-diagnosis was accepted without question, the gender-affirming model immediately implemented, and referrals quickly made for medical treatment? For those patients, once everything has been done, every hormone taken, every surgery performed, but still not male enough, not convincingly male in every aspect, now what? Where does one go from there?

Only time will tell what the psychiatric outcomes will be for these patients, who are primarily youth and young adults at this point. What about the psychological pain that brought them to identify as transgender in the first place? Since the patient was colluded with in the diagnosis of gender dysphoria, that pain was never identified and addressed. What will the suicide rate be of these fully transitioned patients who never had gender dysphoria?

And what shall become of the clinicians who treated them without pause or careful consideration, who bypassed informed consent, treating teens as if they had the judgment and psychological maturity of an adult? What will be their defense when the malpractice lawsuits begin to mount against them, when patients and their families emerge on the other side of the medical transition to find that life, identity, intimacy, and the most basic biological functions have been altered forever based on the capricious and suggestible whims of children?

According to the DSM-5, the prevalence of gender dysphoria is very low. Even if we were to double the DSM-5 estimate, it is still very low. As psychiatrists, we are leaders in the mental health field, and need to set the tone and guide nonphysician clinicians toward extremely careful assessment of these patients.

While Dr. Riese gives excellent information about how to write a letter for a patient who needs transition, far fewer of these letters should be written. The upward trend in the numbers of patients receiving a diagnosis, and subsequently letters, is largely imposed by clinicians who disregard the DSM-5 and fail to apply critical thought to this assessments.

Medical transition in transgender patients

I just read the article “Writing letters for transgender patients undergoing medical transition” by Dr. Amy Riese (Pearls, Current Psychiatry, August 2021, p. 51-52). I very much appreciate this topic being brought into the light and her excellent guidelines for patients who suffer from gender dysphoria and require medical transition.

I would like to use her piece as an opportunity to highlight what has become a chasm in psychiatric care. Dr. Riese’s article was on the letter itself and not the assessment of a patient with possible gender dysphoria, but assessment is barely mentioned, and is the single most important part of a gender transition process. Assessment has become the huge chasm in treatment. In my community, both personally and professionally, I have witnessed very little assessment taking place, yet a lot of transitioning is happening.

Concerned and caring family members take their child (or self-present if the patient is an adult) to gender specialists for their expertise. What is happening during these evaluations are brief conversations during which the gender specialist accepts a patient’s (sometimes a minor’s) self-diagnosis of gender dysphoria. There is discussion of the importance of being gender-affirming, and the beginning of a discussion of hormone therapy. During these discussions of hormone therapy, there is very little disclosure of some of the untoward effects. I understand this is a generalization, and there are some gender specialists who are doing excellent, thorough assessments. But this is what I am seeing in my community, to the point that I have no local specialists to whom I feel comfortable sending my patients who may have gender dysphoria.

During discussions, some of the significant medical outcomes of hormone therapy (immunosuppression, loss of bone density, sterility, increased risk of certain types of cancer, etc.) are not mentioned, or are mentioned in passing. Clinicians have begun using euphemisms such as “top surgery” or “upper body surgery,” as used in Dr. Riese’s article, rather than the medically accurate term, which is “bilateral mastectomy.” These behaviors are being manifested by mostly well-meaning clinicians, and start the process of ushering a patient down a one-way street toward a medical transition.

In April of this year, a prestigious institution in my state did a training on aspects of treating transgender and nonbinary youth. The training advocated giving less information to transgender youth regarding the effects of treatment on fertility, arguing that giving adequate information would disrupt the normal course of development. However, we are allowing these same youth to consent for treatment.

This is a very destructive phenomenon, and only time will tell what the psychiatric outcomes will be for patients who medically transition who did not have an adequate assessment. After so much loss under the auspices of treatment, one would hope that at the very least, these children and young adults would be in a better place psychologically, that they would finally be happy and fulfilled in their new reality, that their mental anguish would evaporate, and with it, their risk of suicide. And this may be true if the patient had gender dysphoria.

But what about the patients who did not have an adequate assessment, whose self-diagnosis was accepted without question, the gender-affirming model immediately implemented, and referrals quickly made for medical treatment? For those patients, once everything has been done, every hormone taken, every surgery performed, but still not male enough, not convincingly male in every aspect, now what? Where does one go from there?

Only time will tell what the psychiatric outcomes will be for these patients, who are primarily youth and young adults at this point. What about the psychological pain that brought them to identify as transgender in the first place? Since the patient was colluded with in the diagnosis of gender dysphoria, that pain was never identified and addressed. What will the suicide rate be of these fully transitioned patients who never had gender dysphoria?

And what shall become of the clinicians who treated them without pause or careful consideration, who bypassed informed consent, treating teens as if they had the judgment and psychological maturity of an adult? What will be their defense when the malpractice lawsuits begin to mount against them, when patients and their families emerge on the other side of the medical transition to find that life, identity, intimacy, and the most basic biological functions have been altered forever based on the capricious and suggestible whims of children?

According to the DSM-5, the prevalence of gender dysphoria is very low. Even if we were to double the DSM-5 estimate, it is still very low. As psychiatrists, we are leaders in the mental health field, and need to set the tone and guide nonphysician clinicians toward extremely careful assessment of these patients.

While Dr. Riese gives excellent information about how to write a letter for a patient who needs transition, far fewer of these letters should be written. The upward trend in the numbers of patients receiving a diagnosis, and subsequently letters, is largely imposed by clinicians who disregard the DSM-5 and fail to apply critical thought to this assessments.

Medical transition in transgender patients

I just read the article “Writing letters for transgender patients undergoing medical transition” by Dr. Amy Riese (Pearls, Current Psychiatry, August 2021, p. 51-52). I very much appreciate this topic being brought into the light and her excellent guidelines for patients who suffer from gender dysphoria and require medical transition.

I would like to use her piece as an opportunity to highlight what has become a chasm in psychiatric care. Dr. Riese’s article was on the letter itself and not the assessment of a patient with possible gender dysphoria, but assessment is barely mentioned, and is the single most important part of a gender transition process. Assessment has become the huge chasm in treatment. In my community, both personally and professionally, I have witnessed very little assessment taking place, yet a lot of transitioning is happening.

Concerned and caring family members take their child (or self-present if the patient is an adult) to gender specialists for their expertise. What is happening during these evaluations are brief conversations during which the gender specialist accepts a patient’s (sometimes a minor’s) self-diagnosis of gender dysphoria. There is discussion of the importance of being gender-affirming, and the beginning of a discussion of hormone therapy. During these discussions of hormone therapy, there is very little disclosure of some of the untoward effects. I understand this is a generalization, and there are some gender specialists who are doing excellent, thorough assessments. But this is what I am seeing in my community, to the point that I have no local specialists to whom I feel comfortable sending my patients who may have gender dysphoria.

During discussions, some of the significant medical outcomes of hormone therapy (immunosuppression, loss of bone density, sterility, increased risk of certain types of cancer, etc.) are not mentioned, or are mentioned in passing. Clinicians have begun using euphemisms such as “top surgery” or “upper body surgery,” as used in Dr. Riese’s article, rather than the medically accurate term, which is “bilateral mastectomy.” These behaviors are being manifested by mostly well-meaning clinicians, and start the process of ushering a patient down a one-way street toward a medical transition.

In April of this year, a prestigious institution in my state did a training on aspects of treating transgender and nonbinary youth. The training advocated giving less information to transgender youth regarding the effects of treatment on fertility, arguing that giving adequate information would disrupt the normal course of development. However, we are allowing these same youth to consent for treatment.

This is a very destructive phenomenon, and only time will tell what the psychiatric outcomes will be for patients who medically transition who did not have an adequate assessment. After so much loss under the auspices of treatment, one would hope that at the very least, these children and young adults would be in a better place psychologically, that they would finally be happy and fulfilled in their new reality, that their mental anguish would evaporate, and with it, their risk of suicide. And this may be true if the patient had gender dysphoria.

But what about the patients who did not have an adequate assessment, whose self-diagnosis was accepted without question, the gender-affirming model immediately implemented, and referrals quickly made for medical treatment? For those patients, once everything has been done, every hormone taken, every surgery performed, but still not male enough, not convincingly male in every aspect, now what? Where does one go from there?

Only time will tell what the psychiatric outcomes will be for these patients, who are primarily youth and young adults at this point. What about the psychological pain that brought them to identify as transgender in the first place? Since the patient was colluded with in the diagnosis of gender dysphoria, that pain was never identified and addressed. What will the suicide rate be of these fully transitioned patients who never had gender dysphoria?

And what shall become of the clinicians who treated them without pause or careful consideration, who bypassed informed consent, treating teens as if they had the judgment and psychological maturity of an adult? What will be their defense when the malpractice lawsuits begin to mount against them, when patients and their families emerge on the other side of the medical transition to find that life, identity, intimacy, and the most basic biological functions have been altered forever based on the capricious and suggestible whims of children?

According to the DSM-5, the prevalence of gender dysphoria is very low. Even if we were to double the DSM-5 estimate, it is still very low. As psychiatrists, we are leaders in the mental health field, and need to set the tone and guide nonphysician clinicians toward extremely careful assessment of these patients.

While Dr. Riese gives excellent information about how to write a letter for a patient who needs transition, far fewer of these letters should be written. The upward trend in the numbers of patients receiving a diagnosis, and subsequently letters, is largely imposed by clinicians who disregard the DSM-5 and fail to apply critical thought to this assessments.

Nearly two-thirds of Americans are not confident that they understood their doctor’s recommendations and the health information they discussed with their doctor after a visit, according to a new survey.

Confusion over health information and doctor advice is even higher among people who care for patients than among those who don’t provide care to their loved ones, the nationally representative survey from the AHIMA Foundation found.

The survey also shows that 80% of Americans – and an even higher portion of caregivers – are likely to research medical recommendations online after a doctor’s visit. But 1 in 4 people don’t know how to access their own medical records or find it difficult to do so.

The findings reflect the same low level of health literacy in the U.S. population that earlier surveys did. The results also indicate that little has changed since the Department of Health and Human Services released a National Action Plan to Improve Health Literacy in 2010.

That plan emphasized the need to develop and share accurate health information that helps people make decisions; to promote changes in the health care system that improve health information, communication, informed decision-making, and access to health services; and to increase the sharing and use of evidence-based health literacy practices.

According to the AHIMA Foundation report, 62% of Americans are not sure they understand their doctor’s advice and the health information discussed during a visit. Twenty-four percent say they don’t comprehend any of it, and 31% can’t remember what was said during the visit. Fifteen percent of those surveyed said they were more confused about their health than they were before the encounter with their doctor.
 

Caregivers have special issues

Forty-three percent of Americans are caregivers, the report notes, and 91% of those play an active role in managing someone else’s health. Millennials (65%) and Gen Xers (50%) are significantly more likely than Gen Zers (39%) and Boomers (20%) to be a caregiver.

Most caregivers have concerns about their loved ones’ ability to manage their own health. Most of them believe that doctors provide enough information, but 38% don’t believe a doctor can communicate effectively with the patient if the caregiver is not present.

Forty-three percent of caretakers don’t think their loved ones can understand medical information on their own. On the other hand, caregivers are more likely than people who don’t provide care to say the doctor confused them and to research the doctor’s advice after an appointment.

For many patients and caregivers, communications break down when they are with their health care provider. Twenty-two percent of Americans say they do not feel comfortable asking their doctor certain health questions. This inability to have a satisfactory dialogue with their doctor means that many patients leave their appointments without getting clear answers to their questions (24%) or without having an opportunity to ask any questions at all (17%).

This is not surprising, considering that a 2018 study found that doctors spend only 11 seconds, on average, listening to patients before interrupting them.
 

Depending on the internet

Overall, the AHIMA survey found, 42% of Americans research their doctor’s recommendations after an appointment. A higher percentage of caregivers than noncaregiver peers do so (47% vs. 38%). Eighty percent of respondents say they are “likely” to research their doctor’s advice online after a visit.

When they have a medical problem or a question about their condition, just as many Americans (59%) turn to the internet for an answer as contact their doctor directly, the survey found. Twenty-nine percent of the respondents consult friends, family, or colleagues; 23% look up medical records if they’re easily accessible; 19% ask pharmacists for advice; and 6% call an unspecified 800 number.

Americans feel secure in the health information they find on the internet. Among those who go online to look up information, 86% are confident that it is credible. And 42% report feeling relieved that they can find a lot of information about their health concerns. Respondents also say that the information they gather allows them to feel more confident in their doctor’s recommendations (35%) and that they feel better after having learned more on the internet than their doctor had told them (39%). Men are more likely than women to say that their confidence in their doctor’s recommendations increased after doing online research (40% vs. 30%).
 

Access to health records

Access to medical records would help people better understand their condition or diagnosis. But nearly half of Americans (48%) admit they don’t usually review their medical records until long after an appointment, and 52% say they rarely access their records at all.

One in four Americans say that they don’t know where to go to access their health information or that they didn’t find the process easy. More than half of those who have never had to find their records think the process would be difficult if they had to try.

Eighty-one percent of Americans use an online platform or portal to access their medical records or health information. Two-thirds of Americans who use an online portal trust that their medical information is kept safe and not shared with other people or organizations.

Four in five respondents agree that if they had access to all of their health information, including medical records, recommendations, conditions, and test results, they’d see an improvement in their health management. Fifty-nine percent of them believe they’d also be more confident about understanding their health, and 47% say they’d have greater trust in their doctor’s recommendations. Higher percentages of caregivers than noncaregivers say the same.

Younger people, those with a high school degree or less, and those who earn less than $50,000 are less likely than older, better educated, and more affluent people to understand their doctor’s health information and to ask questions of their providers.

People of color struggle with their relationships with doctors, are less satisfied than white people with the information they receive during visits, and are more likely than white peers to feel that if they had access to all their health information, they’d manage their health better and be more confident in their doctors’ recommendations, the survey found.

A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.

Nearly two-thirds of Americans are not confident that they understood their doctor’s recommendations and the health information they discussed with their doctor after a visit, according to a new survey.

Confusion over health information and doctor advice is even higher among people who care for patients than among those who don’t provide care to their loved ones, the nationally representative survey from the AHIMA Foundation found.

The survey also shows that 80% of Americans – and an even higher portion of caregivers – are likely to research medical recommendations online after a doctor’s visit. But 1 in 4 people don’t know how to access their own medical records or find it difficult to do so.

The findings reflect the same low level of health literacy in the U.S. population that earlier surveys did. The results also indicate that little has changed since the Department of Health and Human Services released a National Action Plan to Improve Health Literacy in 2010.

That plan emphasized the need to develop and share accurate health information that helps people make decisions; to promote changes in the health care system that improve health information, communication, informed decision-making, and access to health services; and to increase the sharing and use of evidence-based health literacy practices.

According to the AHIMA Foundation report, 62% of Americans are not sure they understand their doctor’s advice and the health information discussed during a visit. Twenty-four percent say they don’t comprehend any of it, and 31% can’t remember what was said during the visit. Fifteen percent of those surveyed said they were more confused about their health than they were before the encounter with their doctor.
 

Caregivers have special issues

Forty-three percent of Americans are caregivers, the report notes, and 91% of those play an active role in managing someone else’s health. Millennials (65%) and Gen Xers (50%) are significantly more likely than Gen Zers (39%) and Boomers (20%) to be a caregiver.

Most caregivers have concerns about their loved ones’ ability to manage their own health. Most of them believe that doctors provide enough information, but 38% don’t believe a doctor can communicate effectively with the patient if the caregiver is not present.

Forty-three percent of caretakers don’t think their loved ones can understand medical information on their own. On the other hand, caregivers are more likely than people who don’t provide care to say the doctor confused them and to research the doctor’s advice after an appointment.

For many patients and caregivers, communications break down when they are with their health care provider. Twenty-two percent of Americans say they do not feel comfortable asking their doctor certain health questions. This inability to have a satisfactory dialogue with their doctor means that many patients leave their appointments without getting clear answers to their questions (24%) or without having an opportunity to ask any questions at all (17%).

This is not surprising, considering that a 2018 study found that doctors spend only 11 seconds, on average, listening to patients before interrupting them.
 

Depending on the internet

Overall, the AHIMA survey found, 42% of Americans research their doctor’s recommendations after an appointment. A higher percentage of caregivers than noncaregiver peers do so (47% vs. 38%). Eighty percent of respondents say they are “likely” to research their doctor’s advice online after a visit.

When they have a medical problem or a question about their condition, just as many Americans (59%) turn to the internet for an answer as contact their doctor directly, the survey found. Twenty-nine percent of the respondents consult friends, family, or colleagues; 23% look up medical records if they’re easily accessible; 19% ask pharmacists for advice; and 6% call an unspecified 800 number.

Americans feel secure in the health information they find on the internet. Among those who go online to look up information, 86% are confident that it is credible. And 42% report feeling relieved that they can find a lot of information about their health concerns. Respondents also say that the information they gather allows them to feel more confident in their doctor’s recommendations (35%) and that they feel better after having learned more on the internet than their doctor had told them (39%). Men are more likely than women to say that their confidence in their doctor’s recommendations increased after doing online research (40% vs. 30%).
 

Access to health records

Access to medical records would help people better understand their condition or diagnosis. But nearly half of Americans (48%) admit they don’t usually review their medical records until long after an appointment, and 52% say they rarely access their records at all.

One in four Americans say that they don’t know where to go to access their health information or that they didn’t find the process easy. More than half of those who have never had to find their records think the process would be difficult if they had to try.

Eighty-one percent of Americans use an online platform or portal to access their medical records or health information. Two-thirds of Americans who use an online portal trust that their medical information is kept safe and not shared with other people or organizations.

Four in five respondents agree that if they had access to all of their health information, including medical records, recommendations, conditions, and test results, they’d see an improvement in their health management. Fifty-nine percent of them believe they’d also be more confident about understanding their health, and 47% say they’d have greater trust in their doctor’s recommendations. Higher percentages of caregivers than noncaregivers say the same.

Younger people, those with a high school degree or less, and those who earn less than $50,000 are less likely than older, better educated, and more affluent people to understand their doctor’s health information and to ask questions of their providers.

People of color struggle with their relationships with doctors, are less satisfied than white people with the information they receive during visits, and are more likely than white peers to feel that if they had access to all their health information, they’d manage their health better and be more confident in their doctors’ recommendations, the survey found.

A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.

Nearly two-thirds of Americans are not confident that they understood their doctor’s recommendations and the health information they discussed with their doctor after a visit, according to a new survey.

Confusion over health information and doctor advice is even higher among people who care for patients than among those who don’t provide care to their loved ones, the nationally representative survey from the AHIMA Foundation found.

The survey also shows that 80% of Americans – and an even higher portion of caregivers – are likely to research medical recommendations online after a doctor’s visit. But 1 in 4 people don’t know how to access their own medical records or find it difficult to do so.

The findings reflect the same low level of health literacy in the U.S. population that earlier surveys did. The results also indicate that little has changed since the Department of Health and Human Services released a National Action Plan to Improve Health Literacy in 2010.

That plan emphasized the need to develop and share accurate health information that helps people make decisions; to promote changes in the health care system that improve health information, communication, informed decision-making, and access to health services; and to increase the sharing and use of evidence-based health literacy practices.

According to the AHIMA Foundation report, 62% of Americans are not sure they understand their doctor’s advice and the health information discussed during a visit. Twenty-four percent say they don’t comprehend any of it, and 31% can’t remember what was said during the visit. Fifteen percent of those surveyed said they were more confused about their health than they were before the encounter with their doctor.
 

Caregivers have special issues

Forty-three percent of Americans are caregivers, the report notes, and 91% of those play an active role in managing someone else’s health. Millennials (65%) and Gen Xers (50%) are significantly more likely than Gen Zers (39%) and Boomers (20%) to be a caregiver.

Most caregivers have concerns about their loved ones’ ability to manage their own health. Most of them believe that doctors provide enough information, but 38% don’t believe a doctor can communicate effectively with the patient if the caregiver is not present.

Forty-three percent of caretakers don’t think their loved ones can understand medical information on their own. On the other hand, caregivers are more likely than people who don’t provide care to say the doctor confused them and to research the doctor’s advice after an appointment.

For many patients and caregivers, communications break down when they are with their health care provider. Twenty-two percent of Americans say they do not feel comfortable asking their doctor certain health questions. This inability to have a satisfactory dialogue with their doctor means that many patients leave their appointments without getting clear answers to their questions (24%) or without having an opportunity to ask any questions at all (17%).

This is not surprising, considering that a 2018 study found that doctors spend only 11 seconds, on average, listening to patients before interrupting them.
 

Depending on the internet

Overall, the AHIMA survey found, 42% of Americans research their doctor’s recommendations after an appointment. A higher percentage of caregivers than noncaregiver peers do so (47% vs. 38%). Eighty percent of respondents say they are “likely” to research their doctor’s advice online after a visit.

When they have a medical problem or a question about their condition, just as many Americans (59%) turn to the internet for an answer as contact their doctor directly, the survey found. Twenty-nine percent of the respondents consult friends, family, or colleagues; 23% look up medical records if they’re easily accessible; 19% ask pharmacists for advice; and 6% call an unspecified 800 number.

Americans feel secure in the health information they find on the internet. Among those who go online to look up information, 86% are confident that it is credible. And 42% report feeling relieved that they can find a lot of information about their health concerns. Respondents also say that the information they gather allows them to feel more confident in their doctor’s recommendations (35%) and that they feel better after having learned more on the internet than their doctor had told them (39%). Men are more likely than women to say that their confidence in their doctor’s recommendations increased after doing online research (40% vs. 30%).
 

Access to health records

Access to medical records would help people better understand their condition or diagnosis. But nearly half of Americans (48%) admit they don’t usually review their medical records until long after an appointment, and 52% say they rarely access their records at all.

One in four Americans say that they don’t know where to go to access their health information or that they didn’t find the process easy. More than half of those who have never had to find their records think the process would be difficult if they had to try.

Eighty-one percent of Americans use an online platform or portal to access their medical records or health information. Two-thirds of Americans who use an online portal trust that their medical information is kept safe and not shared with other people or organizations.

Four in five respondents agree that if they had access to all of their health information, including medical records, recommendations, conditions, and test results, they’d see an improvement in their health management. Fifty-nine percent of them believe they’d also be more confident about understanding their health, and 47% say they’d have greater trust in their doctor’s recommendations. Higher percentages of caregivers than noncaregivers say the same.

Younger people, those with a high school degree or less, and those who earn less than $50,000 are less likely than older, better educated, and more affluent people to understand their doctor’s health information and to ask questions of their providers.

People of color struggle with their relationships with doctors, are less satisfied than white people with the information they receive during visits, and are more likely than white peers to feel that if they had access to all their health information, they’d manage their health better and be more confident in their doctors’ recommendations, the survey found.

A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.