Depression

Rates of youth suicides at the county level increased as mental health professional shortages increased, based on data from more than 5,000 youth suicides across all counties in the United States.

Suicide remains the second leading cause of death among adolescents in the United States, and shortages of pediatric mental health providers are well known, but the association between mental health workforce shortages and youth suicides at the local level has not been well studied, Jennifer A. Hoffmann, MD, of Northwestern University, Chicago, and colleagues wrote.

Previous studies have shown few or no child psychiatrists or child-focused mental health professionals in most counties across the United States, and shortages are more likely in rural and high-poverty counties, the researchers noted.

In a cross-sectional study published in JAMA Pediatrics, the researchers reviewed all youth suicide data from January 2015 to Dec. 31, 2016 using the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Compressed Mortality File. They used a multivariate binomial regression model to examine the association between youth suicide rates and the presence or absence of mental health care. Mental health care shortages were based on data from the U.S. Health Resources and Services Administration’s assessment of the number of mental health professionals relative to the country population and the availability of nearby services. Areas identified as having shortages were designated as Health Professional Shortage Areas (HPSAs) and scored on a severity level of 0-25, with higher scores indicating greater shortages. Approximately two-thirds (67.6%) of the 3,133 counties included in the study met criteria for mental health workforce shortage areas.

The researchers identified 5,034 suicides in youth aged 5-19 years during the study period, for an annual rate of 3.99 per 100,000 individuals. Of these, 72.8% were male and 68.2% were non-Hispanic White.

Overall, a county designation of mental health care shortage was significantly associated with an increased rate of youth suicide (adjusted incidence rate ratio, 1.16) and also increased rate of youth firearm suicide (aIRR, 1.27) after controlling for county and socioeconomic characteristics including the presence of a children’s mental health hospital, the percentage of children without health insurance, median household income, and racial makeup of the county.

The adjusted youth suicide rate increased by 4% for every 1-point increase in the HPSA score in counties with designated mental health workforce shortages.

The adjusted youth suicide rates were higher in counties with a lower median household income, and youth suicides increased with increases in the percentages of uninsured children, the researchers wrote.

“Reducing poverty, addressing social determinants of health, and improving insurance coverage may be considered as components of a multipronged societal strategy to improve child health and reduce youth suicides,” they said. “Efforts are needed to enhance the mental health professional workforce to match current levels of need.” Possible strategies to increase the pediatric mental health workforce may include improving reimbursement and integrating mental health care into primary care and schools by expanding telehealth services.

The study findings were limited by several factors including the potential misclassification of demographics or cause of death, the researchers noted. Other limitations included the inability to assess actual use of mental health services or firearm ownership in a household, and the possible differences between county-level associations and those of a city, neighborhood, or individual.

However, the results indicate that mental health professional workforce shortages were associated with increased youth suicide rates, and the data may inform local-level suicide prevention efforts, they concluded.
 

Data support the need for early intervention

“It was very important to conduct this study at this time because mental health problems, to include suicidal ideation, continue to increase in adolescents,” Peter L. Loper Jr., MD, of the University of South Carolina, Columbia, said in an interview. “This study reinforces the immense import of sufficient mental health workforce to mitigate this increasing risk of suicide in adolescents.”

Dr. Loper said: “I believe that early intervention, or consistent access to mental health services, can go a very long way in preventing suicide in adolescents.

“I think the primary implications of this study are more relevant at the systems level, and reinforce the necessity of clinicians advocating for policies that address mental health workforce shortages in counties that are underserved,” he added.

However, “One primary barrier to increasing the number of mental health professionals at a local level, and specifically the number of child psychiatrists, is that demand is currently outpacing supply,” said Dr. Loper, a pediatrician and psychiatrist who was not involved in the study. “As the study authors cite, increasing telepsychiatry services and increasing mental health workforce specifically in the primary care setting may help offset these deficiencies,” he noted. Looking ahead, primary prevention of mental health problems by grassroots efforts is vital to stopping the trend in increased youth suicides and more mental health professionals are needed to mitigate the phenomenon of isolation and the degradation of community constructs.

As for additional research, Dr. Loper agreed with the study authors comments on the need for “more granular data” to better understand the correlation between mental health workforce and suicide in adolescents. “Data that captures city or neighborhood statistics related to mental health workforce and adolescent suicide could go a long way in our efforts to continue to better understand this very important correlation.”

The study was supported by an Academic Pediatric Association Young Investigator Award. Dr. Hoffmann disclosed research funding from the U.S. Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality unrelated to the current study. Dr. Loper had no financial conflicts to disclose.

Rates of youth suicides at the county level increased as mental health professional shortages increased, based on data from more than 5,000 youth suicides across all counties in the United States.

Suicide remains the second leading cause of death among adolescents in the United States, and shortages of pediatric mental health providers are well known, but the association between mental health workforce shortages and youth suicides at the local level has not been well studied, Jennifer A. Hoffmann, MD, of Northwestern University, Chicago, and colleagues wrote.

Previous studies have shown few or no child psychiatrists or child-focused mental health professionals in most counties across the United States, and shortages are more likely in rural and high-poverty counties, the researchers noted.

In a cross-sectional study published in JAMA Pediatrics, the researchers reviewed all youth suicide data from January 2015 to Dec. 31, 2016 using the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Compressed Mortality File. They used a multivariate binomial regression model to examine the association between youth suicide rates and the presence or absence of mental health care. Mental health care shortages were based on data from the U.S. Health Resources and Services Administration’s assessment of the number of mental health professionals relative to the country population and the availability of nearby services. Areas identified as having shortages were designated as Health Professional Shortage Areas (HPSAs) and scored on a severity level of 0-25, with higher scores indicating greater shortages. Approximately two-thirds (67.6%) of the 3,133 counties included in the study met criteria for mental health workforce shortage areas.

The researchers identified 5,034 suicides in youth aged 5-19 years during the study period, for an annual rate of 3.99 per 100,000 individuals. Of these, 72.8% were male and 68.2% were non-Hispanic White.

Overall, a county designation of mental health care shortage was significantly associated with an increased rate of youth suicide (adjusted incidence rate ratio, 1.16) and also increased rate of youth firearm suicide (aIRR, 1.27) after controlling for county and socioeconomic characteristics including the presence of a children’s mental health hospital, the percentage of children without health insurance, median household income, and racial makeup of the county.

The adjusted youth suicide rate increased by 4% for every 1-point increase in the HPSA score in counties with designated mental health workforce shortages.

The adjusted youth suicide rates were higher in counties with a lower median household income, and youth suicides increased with increases in the percentages of uninsured children, the researchers wrote.

“Reducing poverty, addressing social determinants of health, and improving insurance coverage may be considered as components of a multipronged societal strategy to improve child health and reduce youth suicides,” they said. “Efforts are needed to enhance the mental health professional workforce to match current levels of need.” Possible strategies to increase the pediatric mental health workforce may include improving reimbursement and integrating mental health care into primary care and schools by expanding telehealth services.

The study findings were limited by several factors including the potential misclassification of demographics or cause of death, the researchers noted. Other limitations included the inability to assess actual use of mental health services or firearm ownership in a household, and the possible differences between county-level associations and those of a city, neighborhood, or individual.

However, the results indicate that mental health professional workforce shortages were associated with increased youth suicide rates, and the data may inform local-level suicide prevention efforts, they concluded.
 

Data support the need for early intervention

“It was very important to conduct this study at this time because mental health problems, to include suicidal ideation, continue to increase in adolescents,” Peter L. Loper Jr., MD, of the University of South Carolina, Columbia, said in an interview. “This study reinforces the immense import of sufficient mental health workforce to mitigate this increasing risk of suicide in adolescents.”

Dr. Loper said: “I believe that early intervention, or consistent access to mental health services, can go a very long way in preventing suicide in adolescents.

“I think the primary implications of this study are more relevant at the systems level, and reinforce the necessity of clinicians advocating for policies that address mental health workforce shortages in counties that are underserved,” he added.

However, “One primary barrier to increasing the number of mental health professionals at a local level, and specifically the number of child psychiatrists, is that demand is currently outpacing supply,” said Dr. Loper, a pediatrician and psychiatrist who was not involved in the study. “As the study authors cite, increasing telepsychiatry services and increasing mental health workforce specifically in the primary care setting may help offset these deficiencies,” he noted. Looking ahead, primary prevention of mental health problems by grassroots efforts is vital to stopping the trend in increased youth suicides and more mental health professionals are needed to mitigate the phenomenon of isolation and the degradation of community constructs.

As for additional research, Dr. Loper agreed with the study authors comments on the need for “more granular data” to better understand the correlation between mental health workforce and suicide in adolescents. “Data that captures city or neighborhood statistics related to mental health workforce and adolescent suicide could go a long way in our efforts to continue to better understand this very important correlation.”

The study was supported by an Academic Pediatric Association Young Investigator Award. Dr. Hoffmann disclosed research funding from the U.S. Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality unrelated to the current study. Dr. Loper had no financial conflicts to disclose.

Rates of youth suicides at the county level increased as mental health professional shortages increased, based on data from more than 5,000 youth suicides across all counties in the United States.

Suicide remains the second leading cause of death among adolescents in the United States, and shortages of pediatric mental health providers are well known, but the association between mental health workforce shortages and youth suicides at the local level has not been well studied, Jennifer A. Hoffmann, MD, of Northwestern University, Chicago, and colleagues wrote.

Previous studies have shown few or no child psychiatrists or child-focused mental health professionals in most counties across the United States, and shortages are more likely in rural and high-poverty counties, the researchers noted.

In a cross-sectional study published in JAMA Pediatrics, the researchers reviewed all youth suicide data from January 2015 to Dec. 31, 2016 using the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Compressed Mortality File. They used a multivariate binomial regression model to examine the association between youth suicide rates and the presence or absence of mental health care. Mental health care shortages were based on data from the U.S. Health Resources and Services Administration’s assessment of the number of mental health professionals relative to the country population and the availability of nearby services. Areas identified as having shortages were designated as Health Professional Shortage Areas (HPSAs) and scored on a severity level of 0-25, with higher scores indicating greater shortages. Approximately two-thirds (67.6%) of the 3,133 counties included in the study met criteria for mental health workforce shortage areas.

The researchers identified 5,034 suicides in youth aged 5-19 years during the study period, for an annual rate of 3.99 per 100,000 individuals. Of these, 72.8% were male and 68.2% were non-Hispanic White.

Overall, a county designation of mental health care shortage was significantly associated with an increased rate of youth suicide (adjusted incidence rate ratio, 1.16) and also increased rate of youth firearm suicide (aIRR, 1.27) after controlling for county and socioeconomic characteristics including the presence of a children’s mental health hospital, the percentage of children without health insurance, median household income, and racial makeup of the county.

The adjusted youth suicide rate increased by 4% for every 1-point increase in the HPSA score in counties with designated mental health workforce shortages.

The adjusted youth suicide rates were higher in counties with a lower median household income, and youth suicides increased with increases in the percentages of uninsured children, the researchers wrote.

“Reducing poverty, addressing social determinants of health, and improving insurance coverage may be considered as components of a multipronged societal strategy to improve child health and reduce youth suicides,” they said. “Efforts are needed to enhance the mental health professional workforce to match current levels of need.” Possible strategies to increase the pediatric mental health workforce may include improving reimbursement and integrating mental health care into primary care and schools by expanding telehealth services.

The study findings were limited by several factors including the potential misclassification of demographics or cause of death, the researchers noted. Other limitations included the inability to assess actual use of mental health services or firearm ownership in a household, and the possible differences between county-level associations and those of a city, neighborhood, or individual.

However, the results indicate that mental health professional workforce shortages were associated with increased youth suicide rates, and the data may inform local-level suicide prevention efforts, they concluded.
 

Data support the need for early intervention

“It was very important to conduct this study at this time because mental health problems, to include suicidal ideation, continue to increase in adolescents,” Peter L. Loper Jr., MD, of the University of South Carolina, Columbia, said in an interview. “This study reinforces the immense import of sufficient mental health workforce to mitigate this increasing risk of suicide in adolescents.”

Dr. Loper said: “I believe that early intervention, or consistent access to mental health services, can go a very long way in preventing suicide in adolescents.

“I think the primary implications of this study are more relevant at the systems level, and reinforce the necessity of clinicians advocating for policies that address mental health workforce shortages in counties that are underserved,” he added.

However, “One primary barrier to increasing the number of mental health professionals at a local level, and specifically the number of child psychiatrists, is that demand is currently outpacing supply,” said Dr. Loper, a pediatrician and psychiatrist who was not involved in the study. “As the study authors cite, increasing telepsychiatry services and increasing mental health workforce specifically in the primary care setting may help offset these deficiencies,” he noted. Looking ahead, primary prevention of mental health problems by grassroots efforts is vital to stopping the trend in increased youth suicides and more mental health professionals are needed to mitigate the phenomenon of isolation and the degradation of community constructs.

As for additional research, Dr. Loper agreed with the study authors comments on the need for “more granular data” to better understand the correlation between mental health workforce and suicide in adolescents. “Data that captures city or neighborhood statistics related to mental health workforce and adolescent suicide could go a long way in our efforts to continue to better understand this very important correlation.”

The study was supported by an Academic Pediatric Association Young Investigator Award. Dr. Hoffmann disclosed research funding from the U.S. Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality unrelated to the current study. Dr. Loper had no financial conflicts to disclose.

Much of the focus of reproductive psychiatry over the last 1 to 2 decades has been on issues regarding risk of fetal exposure to psychiatric medications in the context of the specific risk for teratogenesis or organ malformation. Concerns and questions are mostly focused on exposure to any number of medications that women take during the first trimester, as it is during that period that the major organs are formed.

More recently, there has been appropriate interest in the effect of fetal exposure to psychiatric medications with respect to risk for obstetrical and neonatal complications. This particularly has been the case with respect to antidepressants where fetal exposure to these medications, which while associated with symptoms of transient jitteriness and irritability about 20% of the time, have not been associated with symptoms requiring frank clinical intervention.

Concerning mood stabilizers, the risk for organ dysgenesis following fetal exposure to sodium valproate has been very well established, and we’ve known for over a decade about the adverse effects of fetal exposure to sodium valproate on behavioral outcomes (Lancet Neurol. 2013 Mar;12[3]:244-52). We also now have ample data on lamotrigine, one of the most widely used medicines by reproductive-age women for treatment of bipolar disorder that supports the absence of a risk of organ malformation in first-trimester exposure.

Most recently, in a study of 292 children of women with epilepsy, an evaluation of women being treated with more modern anticonvulsants such as lamotrigine and levetiracetam alone or as polytherapy was performed. The results showed no difference in language, motor, cognitive, social, emotional, and general adaptive functioning in children exposed to either lamotrigine or levetiracetam relative to unexposed children of women with epilepsy. However, the researchers found an increase in anti-epileptic drug plasma level appeared to be associated with decreased motor and sensory function. These are reassuring data that really confirm earlier work, which failed to reveal a signal of concern for lamotrigine and now provide some of the first data on levetiracetam, which is widely used by reproductive-age women with epilepsy (JAMA Neurol. 2021 Aug 1;78[8]:927-936). While one caveat of the study is a short follow-up of 2 years, the absence of a signal of concern is reassuring. With more and more data demonstrating bipolar disorder is an illness that requires chronic treatment for many people, and that discontinuation is associated with high risk for relapse, it is an advance in the field to have data on risk for teratogenesis and data on longer-term neurobehavioral outcomes.

There is vast information regarding reproductive safety, organ malformation, and acute neonatal outcomes for antidepressants. The last decade has brought interest in and analysis of specific reports of increased risk of both autism spectrum disorder (ASD) and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) following fetal exposure to antidepressants. What can be said based on reviews of pooled meta-analyses is that the risk for ASD and ADHD has been put to rest for most clinicians and patients (J Clin Psychiatry. 2020 May 26;81[3]:20f13463). With other neurodevelopmental disorders, results have been somewhat inconclusive. Over the last 5-10 years, there have been sporadic reports of concerns about problems in a specific domain of neurodevelopment in offspring of women who have used antidepressants during pregnancy, whether it be speech, language, or motor functioning, but no signal of concern has been consistent.

In a previous column, I addressed a Danish study that showed no increased risk of longer-term sequelae after fetal exposure to antidepressants. Now, a new study has examined 1.93 million pregnancies in the Medicaid Analytic eXtract and 1.25 million pregnancies in the IBM MarketScan Research Database with follow-up up to 14 years of age where the specific interval for fetal exposure was from gestational age of 19 weeks to delivery, as that is the period that corresponds most to synaptogenesis in the brain. The researchers examined a spectrum of neurodevelopmental disorders such as developmental speech issues, ADHD, ASD, dyslexia, and learning disorders, among others. They found a twofold increased risk for neurodevelopmental disorders in the unadjusted models that flattened to no finding when factoring in environmental and genetic risk variables, highlighting the importance of dealing appropriately with confounders when performing these analyses. Those confounders examined include the mother’s use of alcohol and tobacco, and her body mass index and overall general health (JAMA Intern Med. 2022;182[11]:1149-60).

Given the consistency of these results with earlier data, patients can be increasingly comfortable as they weigh the benefits and risks of antidepressant use during pregnancy, factoring in the risk of fetal exposure with added data on long-term neurobehavioral sequelae. With that said, we need to remember the importance of initiatives to address alcohol consumption, poor nutrition, tobacco use, elevated BMI, and general health during pregnancy. These are modifiable risks that we as clinicians should focus on in order to optimize outcomes during pregnancy.

We have come so far in knowledge about fetal exposure to antidepressants relative to other classes of medications women take during pregnancy, about which, frankly, we are still starved for data. As use of psychiatric medications during pregnancy continues to grow, we can rest a bit more comfortably. But we should also address some of the other behaviors that have adverse effects on maternal and child well-being.

Dr. Cohen is the director of the Ammon-Pinizzotto Center for Women’s Mental Health at Massachusetts General Hospital (MGH) in Boston, which provides information resources and conducts clinical care and research in reproductive mental health. He has been a consultant to manufacturers of psychiatric medications. Email Dr. Cohen at [email protected].

Much of the focus of reproductive psychiatry over the last 1 to 2 decades has been on issues regarding risk of fetal exposure to psychiatric medications in the context of the specific risk for teratogenesis or organ malformation. Concerns and questions are mostly focused on exposure to any number of medications that women take during the first trimester, as it is during that period that the major organs are formed.

More recently, there has been appropriate interest in the effect of fetal exposure to psychiatric medications with respect to risk for obstetrical and neonatal complications. This particularly has been the case with respect to antidepressants where fetal exposure to these medications, which while associated with symptoms of transient jitteriness and irritability about 20% of the time, have not been associated with symptoms requiring frank clinical intervention.

Concerning mood stabilizers, the risk for organ dysgenesis following fetal exposure to sodium valproate has been very well established, and we’ve known for over a decade about the adverse effects of fetal exposure to sodium valproate on behavioral outcomes (Lancet Neurol. 2013 Mar;12[3]:244-52). We also now have ample data on lamotrigine, one of the most widely used medicines by reproductive-age women for treatment of bipolar disorder that supports the absence of a risk of organ malformation in first-trimester exposure.

Most recently, in a study of 292 children of women with epilepsy, an evaluation of women being treated with more modern anticonvulsants such as lamotrigine and levetiracetam alone or as polytherapy was performed. The results showed no difference in language, motor, cognitive, social, emotional, and general adaptive functioning in children exposed to either lamotrigine or levetiracetam relative to unexposed children of women with epilepsy. However, the researchers found an increase in anti-epileptic drug plasma level appeared to be associated with decreased motor and sensory function. These are reassuring data that really confirm earlier work, which failed to reveal a signal of concern for lamotrigine and now provide some of the first data on levetiracetam, which is widely used by reproductive-age women with epilepsy (JAMA Neurol. 2021 Aug 1;78[8]:927-936). While one caveat of the study is a short follow-up of 2 years, the absence of a signal of concern is reassuring. With more and more data demonstrating bipolar disorder is an illness that requires chronic treatment for many people, and that discontinuation is associated with high risk for relapse, it is an advance in the field to have data on risk for teratogenesis and data on longer-term neurobehavioral outcomes.

There is vast information regarding reproductive safety, organ malformation, and acute neonatal outcomes for antidepressants. The last decade has brought interest in and analysis of specific reports of increased risk of both autism spectrum disorder (ASD) and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) following fetal exposure to antidepressants. What can be said based on reviews of pooled meta-analyses is that the risk for ASD and ADHD has been put to rest for most clinicians and patients (J Clin Psychiatry. 2020 May 26;81[3]:20f13463). With other neurodevelopmental disorders, results have been somewhat inconclusive. Over the last 5-10 years, there have been sporadic reports of concerns about problems in a specific domain of neurodevelopment in offspring of women who have used antidepressants during pregnancy, whether it be speech, language, or motor functioning, but no signal of concern has been consistent.

In a previous column, I addressed a Danish study that showed no increased risk of longer-term sequelae after fetal exposure to antidepressants. Now, a new study has examined 1.93 million pregnancies in the Medicaid Analytic eXtract and 1.25 million pregnancies in the IBM MarketScan Research Database with follow-up up to 14 years of age where the specific interval for fetal exposure was from gestational age of 19 weeks to delivery, as that is the period that corresponds most to synaptogenesis in the brain. The researchers examined a spectrum of neurodevelopmental disorders such as developmental speech issues, ADHD, ASD, dyslexia, and learning disorders, among others. They found a twofold increased risk for neurodevelopmental disorders in the unadjusted models that flattened to no finding when factoring in environmental and genetic risk variables, highlighting the importance of dealing appropriately with confounders when performing these analyses. Those confounders examined include the mother’s use of alcohol and tobacco, and her body mass index and overall general health (JAMA Intern Med. 2022;182[11]:1149-60).

Given the consistency of these results with earlier data, patients can be increasingly comfortable as they weigh the benefits and risks of antidepressant use during pregnancy, factoring in the risk of fetal exposure with added data on long-term neurobehavioral sequelae. With that said, we need to remember the importance of initiatives to address alcohol consumption, poor nutrition, tobacco use, elevated BMI, and general health during pregnancy. These are modifiable risks that we as clinicians should focus on in order to optimize outcomes during pregnancy.

We have come so far in knowledge about fetal exposure to antidepressants relative to other classes of medications women take during pregnancy, about which, frankly, we are still starved for data. As use of psychiatric medications during pregnancy continues to grow, we can rest a bit more comfortably. But we should also address some of the other behaviors that have adverse effects on maternal and child well-being.

Dr. Cohen is the director of the Ammon-Pinizzotto Center for Women’s Mental Health at Massachusetts General Hospital (MGH) in Boston, which provides information resources and conducts clinical care and research in reproductive mental health. He has been a consultant to manufacturers of psychiatric medications. Email Dr. Cohen at [email protected].

Much of the focus of reproductive psychiatry over the last 1 to 2 decades has been on issues regarding risk of fetal exposure to psychiatric medications in the context of the specific risk for teratogenesis or organ malformation. Concerns and questions are mostly focused on exposure to any number of medications that women take during the first trimester, as it is during that period that the major organs are formed.

More recently, there has been appropriate interest in the effect of fetal exposure to psychiatric medications with respect to risk for obstetrical and neonatal complications. This particularly has been the case with respect to antidepressants where fetal exposure to these medications, which while associated with symptoms of transient jitteriness and irritability about 20% of the time, have not been associated with symptoms requiring frank clinical intervention.

Concerning mood stabilizers, the risk for organ dysgenesis following fetal exposure to sodium valproate has been very well established, and we’ve known for over a decade about the adverse effects of fetal exposure to sodium valproate on behavioral outcomes (Lancet Neurol. 2013 Mar;12[3]:244-52). We also now have ample data on lamotrigine, one of the most widely used medicines by reproductive-age women for treatment of bipolar disorder that supports the absence of a risk of organ malformation in first-trimester exposure.

Most recently, in a study of 292 children of women with epilepsy, an evaluation of women being treated with more modern anticonvulsants such as lamotrigine and levetiracetam alone or as polytherapy was performed. The results showed no difference in language, motor, cognitive, social, emotional, and general adaptive functioning in children exposed to either lamotrigine or levetiracetam relative to unexposed children of women with epilepsy. However, the researchers found an increase in anti-epileptic drug plasma level appeared to be associated with decreased motor and sensory function. These are reassuring data that really confirm earlier work, which failed to reveal a signal of concern for lamotrigine and now provide some of the first data on levetiracetam, which is widely used by reproductive-age women with epilepsy (JAMA Neurol. 2021 Aug 1;78[8]:927-936). While one caveat of the study is a short follow-up of 2 years, the absence of a signal of concern is reassuring. With more and more data demonstrating bipolar disorder is an illness that requires chronic treatment for many people, and that discontinuation is associated with high risk for relapse, it is an advance in the field to have data on risk for teratogenesis and data on longer-term neurobehavioral outcomes.

There is vast information regarding reproductive safety, organ malformation, and acute neonatal outcomes for antidepressants. The last decade has brought interest in and analysis of specific reports of increased risk of both autism spectrum disorder (ASD) and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) following fetal exposure to antidepressants. What can be said based on reviews of pooled meta-analyses is that the risk for ASD and ADHD has been put to rest for most clinicians and patients (J Clin Psychiatry. 2020 May 26;81[3]:20f13463). With other neurodevelopmental disorders, results have been somewhat inconclusive. Over the last 5-10 years, there have been sporadic reports of concerns about problems in a specific domain of neurodevelopment in offspring of women who have used antidepressants during pregnancy, whether it be speech, language, or motor functioning, but no signal of concern has been consistent.

In a previous column, I addressed a Danish study that showed no increased risk of longer-term sequelae after fetal exposure to antidepressants. Now, a new study has examined 1.93 million pregnancies in the Medicaid Analytic eXtract and 1.25 million pregnancies in the IBM MarketScan Research Database with follow-up up to 14 years of age where the specific interval for fetal exposure was from gestational age of 19 weeks to delivery, as that is the period that corresponds most to synaptogenesis in the brain. The researchers examined a spectrum of neurodevelopmental disorders such as developmental speech issues, ADHD, ASD, dyslexia, and learning disorders, among others. They found a twofold increased risk for neurodevelopmental disorders in the unadjusted models that flattened to no finding when factoring in environmental and genetic risk variables, highlighting the importance of dealing appropriately with confounders when performing these analyses. Those confounders examined include the mother’s use of alcohol and tobacco, and her body mass index and overall general health (JAMA Intern Med. 2022;182[11]:1149-60).

Given the consistency of these results with earlier data, patients can be increasingly comfortable as they weigh the benefits and risks of antidepressant use during pregnancy, factoring in the risk of fetal exposure with added data on long-term neurobehavioral sequelae. With that said, we need to remember the importance of initiatives to address alcohol consumption, poor nutrition, tobacco use, elevated BMI, and general health during pregnancy. These are modifiable risks that we as clinicians should focus on in order to optimize outcomes during pregnancy.

We have come so far in knowledge about fetal exposure to antidepressants relative to other classes of medications women take during pregnancy, about which, frankly, we are still starved for data. As use of psychiatric medications during pregnancy continues to grow, we can rest a bit more comfortably. But we should also address some of the other behaviors that have adverse effects on maternal and child well-being.

Dr. Cohen is the director of the Ammon-Pinizzotto Center for Women’s Mental Health at Massachusetts General Hospital (MGH) in Boston, which provides information resources and conducts clinical care and research in reproductive mental health. He has been a consultant to manufacturers of psychiatric medications. Email Dr. Cohen at [email protected].

You only are free when you realize you belong no place – you belong every place – no place at all. The price is high. The reward is great. ~ Maya Angelou

At 8 o’clock, every weekday morning, for years and years now, two friends appear in my kitchen for coffee, and so one identity I carry includes being part of the “coffee ladies.” While this is one of the smaller and more intimate groups to which I belong, I am also a member (“distinguished,” no less) of a slightly larger group: the American Psychiatric Association, and being part of both groups is meaningful to me in more ways than I can describe.

When I think back over the years, I – like most people – have belonged to many people and places, either officially or unofficially. It is these connections that define us, fill our time, give us meaning and purpose, and anchor us. We belong to our families and friends, but we also belong to our professional and community groups, our institutions – whether they are hospitals, schools, religious centers, country clubs, or charitable organizations – as well as interest and advocacy groups. And finally, we belong to our coworkers and to our patients, and they to us, especially if we see the same people over time. Being a psychiatrist can be a solitary career, and it can take a little effort to be a part of larger worlds, especially for those who find solace in more individual activities.

As I’ve gotten older, I’ve noticed that I belong to fewer of these groups. I’m no longer a little league or field hockey mom, nor a member of the neighborhood babysitting co-op, and I’ve exhausted the gamut of council and leadership positions in my APA district branch. I’ve joined organizations only to pay the membership fee, and then never gone to their meetings or events. The pandemic has accounted for some of this: I still belong to my book club, but I often read the book and don’t go to the Zoom meetings as I miss the real-life aspect of getting together. Being boxed on a screen is not the same as the one-on-one conversations before the formal book discussion. And while I still carry a host of identities, I imagine it is not unusual to belong to fewer organizations as time passes. It’s not all bad, there is something good to be said for living life at a less frenetic pace as fewer entities lay claim to my time.

In psychiatry, our patients span the range of human experience: Some are very engaged with their worlds, while others struggle to make even the most basic of connections. Their lives may seem disconnected – empty, even – and I find myself encouraging people to reach out, to find activities that will ease their loneliness and integrate a feeling of belonging in a way that adds meaning and purpose. For some people, this may be as simple as asking a friend to have lunch, but even that can be an overwhelming obstacle for someone who is depressed, or for someone who has no friends.

Patients may counter my suggestions with a host of reasons as to why they can’t connect. Perhaps their friend is too busy with work or his family, the lunch would cost too much, there’s no transportation, or no restaurant that could meet their dietary needs. Or perhaps they are just too fearful of being rejected.

Psychiatric disorders, by their nature, can be very isolating. Depressed and anxious people often find it a struggle just to get through their days, adding new people and activities is not something that brings joy. For people suffering with psychosis, their internal realities are often all-consuming and there may be no room for accommodating others. And finally, what I hear over and over, is that people are afraid of what others might think of them, and this fear is paralyzing. I try to suggest that we never really know or control what others think of us, but obviously, this does not reassure most patients as they are also bewildered by their irrational fear. To go to an event unaccompanied, or even to a party to which they have been invited, is a hurdle they won’t (or can’t) attempt.

The pandemic, with its initial months of shutdown, and then with years of fear of illness, has created new ways of connecting. Our “Zoom” world can be very convenient – in many ways it has opened up aspects of learning and connection for people who are short on time,or struggle with transportation. In the comfort of our living rooms, in pajamas and slippers, we can take classes, join clubs, attend Alcoholics Anonymous meetings, go to conferences or religious services, and be part of any number of organizations without flying or searching for parking. I love that, with 1 hour and a single click, I can now attend my department’s weekly Grand Rounds. But for many who struggle with using technology, or who don’t feel the same benefits from online encounters, the pandemic has been an isolating and lonely time.

It should not be assumed that isolation has been a negative experience for everyone. For many who struggle with interpersonal relationships, for children who are bullied or teased at school or who feel self-conscious sitting alone at lunch, there may not be the presumed “fear of missing out.” As one adult patient told me: “You know, I do ‘alone’ well.” For some, it has been a relief to be relieved of the pressure to socialize, attend parties, or pursue online dating – a process I think of as “people-shopping” which looks so different from the old days of organic interactions that led to romantic interactions over time. Many have found relief without the pressures of social interactions.

Community, connection, and belonging are not inconsequential things, however. They are part of what adds to life’s richness, and they are associated with good health and longevity. The Harvard Study of Adult Development, begun in 1938, has been tracking two groups of Boston teenagers – and now their wives and children – for 84 years. Tracking one group of Harvard students and another group of teens from poorer areas in Boston, the project is now on its 4th director.

George Vaillant, MD, author of “Aging Well: Surprising Guideposts to a Happier Life from the Landmark Harvard Study of Adult Development” (New York: Little, Brown Spark, 2002) was the program’s director from 1972 to 2004. “When the study began, nobody cared about empathy or attachment. But the key to healthy aging is relationships, relationships, relationships,” Dr. Vaillant said in an interview in the Harvard Gazette.

Susan Pinker is a social psychologist and author of “The Village Effect: How Face-to-Face Contact Can Make Us Healthier and Happier” (Toronto: Random House Canada, 2014). In her 2017 TED talk, she notes that in all developed countries, women live 6-8 years longer than men, and are half as likely to die at any age. She is underwhelmed by digital relationships, and says that real life relationships affect our physiological states differently and in more beneficial ways. “Building your village and sustaining it is a matter of life and death,” she states at the end of her TED talk.

I spoke with Ms. Pinker about her thoughts on how our personal villages change over time. She was quick to tell me that she is not against digital communities. “I’m not a Luddite. As a writer, I probably spend as much time facing a screen as anyone else. But it’s important to remember that digital communities can amplify existing relationships, and don’t replace in-person social contact. A lot of people have drunk the Kool-Aid about virtual experiences, even though they are not the same as real life interactions.

“Loneliness takes on a U-shaped function across adulthood,” she explained with regard to how age impacts our social connections. “People are lonely when they first leave home or when they finish college and go out into the world. Then they settle into new situations; they can make friends at work, through their children, in their neighborhood, or by belonging to organizations. As people settle into their adult lives, there are increased opportunities to connect in person. But loneliness increases again in late middle age.” She explained that everyone loses people as their children move away, friends move, and couples may divorce or a spouse dies.

“Attrition of our social face-to-face networks is an ugly feature of aging,” Ms. Pinker said. “Some people are good at replacing the vacant spots; they sense that it is important to invest in different relationships as you age. It’s like a garden that you need to tend by replacing the perennials that die off in the winter.” The United States, she pointed out, has a culture that is particularly difficult for people in their later years.

My world is a little quieter than it once was, but collecting and holding on to people is important to me. The organizations and affiliations change over time, as does the brand of coffee. So I try to inspire some of my more isolated patients to prioritize their relationships, to let go of their grudges, to tolerate the discomfort of moving from their places of comfort to the temporary discomfort of reaching out in the service of achieving a less solitary, more purposeful, and healthier life. When it doesn’t come naturally, it can be hard work.

Dr. Miller is a coauthor of “Committed: The Battle Over Involuntary Psychiatric Care” (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016). She has a private practice and is assistant professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore. She has disclosed no relevant financial relationships.

You only are free when you realize you belong no place – you belong every place – no place at all. The price is high. The reward is great. ~ Maya Angelou

At 8 o’clock, every weekday morning, for years and years now, two friends appear in my kitchen for coffee, and so one identity I carry includes being part of the “coffee ladies.” While this is one of the smaller and more intimate groups to which I belong, I am also a member (“distinguished,” no less) of a slightly larger group: the American Psychiatric Association, and being part of both groups is meaningful to me in more ways than I can describe.

When I think back over the years, I – like most people – have belonged to many people and places, either officially or unofficially. It is these connections that define us, fill our time, give us meaning and purpose, and anchor us. We belong to our families and friends, but we also belong to our professional and community groups, our institutions – whether they are hospitals, schools, religious centers, country clubs, or charitable organizations – as well as interest and advocacy groups. And finally, we belong to our coworkers and to our patients, and they to us, especially if we see the same people over time. Being a psychiatrist can be a solitary career, and it can take a little effort to be a part of larger worlds, especially for those who find solace in more individual activities.

As I’ve gotten older, I’ve noticed that I belong to fewer of these groups. I’m no longer a little league or field hockey mom, nor a member of the neighborhood babysitting co-op, and I’ve exhausted the gamut of council and leadership positions in my APA district branch. I’ve joined organizations only to pay the membership fee, and then never gone to their meetings or events. The pandemic has accounted for some of this: I still belong to my book club, but I often read the book and don’t go to the Zoom meetings as I miss the real-life aspect of getting together. Being boxed on a screen is not the same as the one-on-one conversations before the formal book discussion. And while I still carry a host of identities, I imagine it is not unusual to belong to fewer organizations as time passes. It’s not all bad, there is something good to be said for living life at a less frenetic pace as fewer entities lay claim to my time.

In psychiatry, our patients span the range of human experience: Some are very engaged with their worlds, while others struggle to make even the most basic of connections. Their lives may seem disconnected – empty, even – and I find myself encouraging people to reach out, to find activities that will ease their loneliness and integrate a feeling of belonging in a way that adds meaning and purpose. For some people, this may be as simple as asking a friend to have lunch, but even that can be an overwhelming obstacle for someone who is depressed, or for someone who has no friends.

Patients may counter my suggestions with a host of reasons as to why they can’t connect. Perhaps their friend is too busy with work or his family, the lunch would cost too much, there’s no transportation, or no restaurant that could meet their dietary needs. Or perhaps they are just too fearful of being rejected.

Psychiatric disorders, by their nature, can be very isolating. Depressed and anxious people often find it a struggle just to get through their days, adding new people and activities is not something that brings joy. For people suffering with psychosis, their internal realities are often all-consuming and there may be no room for accommodating others. And finally, what I hear over and over, is that people are afraid of what others might think of them, and this fear is paralyzing. I try to suggest that we never really know or control what others think of us, but obviously, this does not reassure most patients as they are also bewildered by their irrational fear. To go to an event unaccompanied, or even to a party to which they have been invited, is a hurdle they won’t (or can’t) attempt.

The pandemic, with its initial months of shutdown, and then with years of fear of illness, has created new ways of connecting. Our “Zoom” world can be very convenient – in many ways it has opened up aspects of learning and connection for people who are short on time,or struggle with transportation. In the comfort of our living rooms, in pajamas and slippers, we can take classes, join clubs, attend Alcoholics Anonymous meetings, go to conferences or religious services, and be part of any number of organizations without flying or searching for parking. I love that, with 1 hour and a single click, I can now attend my department’s weekly Grand Rounds. But for many who struggle with using technology, or who don’t feel the same benefits from online encounters, the pandemic has been an isolating and lonely time.

It should not be assumed that isolation has been a negative experience for everyone. For many who struggle with interpersonal relationships, for children who are bullied or teased at school or who feel self-conscious sitting alone at lunch, there may not be the presumed “fear of missing out.” As one adult patient told me: “You know, I do ‘alone’ well.” For some, it has been a relief to be relieved of the pressure to socialize, attend parties, or pursue online dating – a process I think of as “people-shopping” which looks so different from the old days of organic interactions that led to romantic interactions over time. Many have found relief without the pressures of social interactions.

Community, connection, and belonging are not inconsequential things, however. They are part of what adds to life’s richness, and they are associated with good health and longevity. The Harvard Study of Adult Development, begun in 1938, has been tracking two groups of Boston teenagers – and now their wives and children – for 84 years. Tracking one group of Harvard students and another group of teens from poorer areas in Boston, the project is now on its 4th director.

George Vaillant, MD, author of “Aging Well: Surprising Guideposts to a Happier Life from the Landmark Harvard Study of Adult Development” (New York: Little, Brown Spark, 2002) was the program’s director from 1972 to 2004. “When the study began, nobody cared about empathy or attachment. But the key to healthy aging is relationships, relationships, relationships,” Dr. Vaillant said in an interview in the Harvard Gazette.

Susan Pinker is a social psychologist and author of “The Village Effect: How Face-to-Face Contact Can Make Us Healthier and Happier” (Toronto: Random House Canada, 2014). In her 2017 TED talk, she notes that in all developed countries, women live 6-8 years longer than men, and are half as likely to die at any age. She is underwhelmed by digital relationships, and says that real life relationships affect our physiological states differently and in more beneficial ways. “Building your village and sustaining it is a matter of life and death,” she states at the end of her TED talk.

I spoke with Ms. Pinker about her thoughts on how our personal villages change over time. She was quick to tell me that she is not against digital communities. “I’m not a Luddite. As a writer, I probably spend as much time facing a screen as anyone else. But it’s important to remember that digital communities can amplify existing relationships, and don’t replace in-person social contact. A lot of people have drunk the Kool-Aid about virtual experiences, even though they are not the same as real life interactions.

“Loneliness takes on a U-shaped function across adulthood,” she explained with regard to how age impacts our social connections. “People are lonely when they first leave home or when they finish college and go out into the world. Then they settle into new situations; they can make friends at work, through their children, in their neighborhood, or by belonging to organizations. As people settle into their adult lives, there are increased opportunities to connect in person. But loneliness increases again in late middle age.” She explained that everyone loses people as their children move away, friends move, and couples may divorce or a spouse dies.

“Attrition of our social face-to-face networks is an ugly feature of aging,” Ms. Pinker said. “Some people are good at replacing the vacant spots; they sense that it is important to invest in different relationships as you age. It’s like a garden that you need to tend by replacing the perennials that die off in the winter.” The United States, she pointed out, has a culture that is particularly difficult for people in their later years.

My world is a little quieter than it once was, but collecting and holding on to people is important to me. The organizations and affiliations change over time, as does the brand of coffee. So I try to inspire some of my more isolated patients to prioritize their relationships, to let go of their grudges, to tolerate the discomfort of moving from their places of comfort to the temporary discomfort of reaching out in the service of achieving a less solitary, more purposeful, and healthier life. When it doesn’t come naturally, it can be hard work.

Dr. Miller is a coauthor of “Committed: The Battle Over Involuntary Psychiatric Care” (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016). She has a private practice and is assistant professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore. She has disclosed no relevant financial relationships.

You only are free when you realize you belong no place – you belong every place – no place at all. The price is high. The reward is great. ~ Maya Angelou

At 8 o’clock, every weekday morning, for years and years now, two friends appear in my kitchen for coffee, and so one identity I carry includes being part of the “coffee ladies.” While this is one of the smaller and more intimate groups to which I belong, I am also a member (“distinguished,” no less) of a slightly larger group: the American Psychiatric Association, and being part of both groups is meaningful to me in more ways than I can describe.

When I think back over the years, I – like most people – have belonged to many people and places, either officially or unofficially. It is these connections that define us, fill our time, give us meaning and purpose, and anchor us. We belong to our families and friends, but we also belong to our professional and community groups, our institutions – whether they are hospitals, schools, religious centers, country clubs, or charitable organizations – as well as interest and advocacy groups. And finally, we belong to our coworkers and to our patients, and they to us, especially if we see the same people over time. Being a psychiatrist can be a solitary career, and it can take a little effort to be a part of larger worlds, especially for those who find solace in more individual activities.

As I’ve gotten older, I’ve noticed that I belong to fewer of these groups. I’m no longer a little league or field hockey mom, nor a member of the neighborhood babysitting co-op, and I’ve exhausted the gamut of council and leadership positions in my APA district branch. I’ve joined organizations only to pay the membership fee, and then never gone to their meetings or events. The pandemic has accounted for some of this: I still belong to my book club, but I often read the book and don’t go to the Zoom meetings as I miss the real-life aspect of getting together. Being boxed on a screen is not the same as the one-on-one conversations before the formal book discussion. And while I still carry a host of identities, I imagine it is not unusual to belong to fewer organizations as time passes. It’s not all bad, there is something good to be said for living life at a less frenetic pace as fewer entities lay claim to my time.

In psychiatry, our patients span the range of human experience: Some are very engaged with their worlds, while others struggle to make even the most basic of connections. Their lives may seem disconnected – empty, even – and I find myself encouraging people to reach out, to find activities that will ease their loneliness and integrate a feeling of belonging in a way that adds meaning and purpose. For some people, this may be as simple as asking a friend to have lunch, but even that can be an overwhelming obstacle for someone who is depressed, or for someone who has no friends.

Patients may counter my suggestions with a host of reasons as to why they can’t connect. Perhaps their friend is too busy with work or his family, the lunch would cost too much, there’s no transportation, or no restaurant that could meet their dietary needs. Or perhaps they are just too fearful of being rejected.

Psychiatric disorders, by their nature, can be very isolating. Depressed and anxious people often find it a struggle just to get through their days, adding new people and activities is not something that brings joy. For people suffering with psychosis, their internal realities are often all-consuming and there may be no room for accommodating others. And finally, what I hear over and over, is that people are afraid of what others might think of them, and this fear is paralyzing. I try to suggest that we never really know or control what others think of us, but obviously, this does not reassure most patients as they are also bewildered by their irrational fear. To go to an event unaccompanied, or even to a party to which they have been invited, is a hurdle they won’t (or can’t) attempt.

The pandemic, with its initial months of shutdown, and then with years of fear of illness, has created new ways of connecting. Our “Zoom” world can be very convenient – in many ways it has opened up aspects of learning and connection for people who are short on time,or struggle with transportation. In the comfort of our living rooms, in pajamas and slippers, we can take classes, join clubs, attend Alcoholics Anonymous meetings, go to conferences or religious services, and be part of any number of organizations without flying or searching for parking. I love that, with 1 hour and a single click, I can now attend my department’s weekly Grand Rounds. But for many who struggle with using technology, or who don’t feel the same benefits from online encounters, the pandemic has been an isolating and lonely time.

It should not be assumed that isolation has been a negative experience for everyone. For many who struggle with interpersonal relationships, for children who are bullied or teased at school or who feel self-conscious sitting alone at lunch, there may not be the presumed “fear of missing out.” As one adult patient told me: “You know, I do ‘alone’ well.” For some, it has been a relief to be relieved of the pressure to socialize, attend parties, or pursue online dating – a process I think of as “people-shopping” which looks so different from the old days of organic interactions that led to romantic interactions over time. Many have found relief without the pressures of social interactions.

Community, connection, and belonging are not inconsequential things, however. They are part of what adds to life’s richness, and they are associated with good health and longevity. The Harvard Study of Adult Development, begun in 1938, has been tracking two groups of Boston teenagers – and now their wives and children – for 84 years. Tracking one group of Harvard students and another group of teens from poorer areas in Boston, the project is now on its 4th director.

George Vaillant, MD, author of “Aging Well: Surprising Guideposts to a Happier Life from the Landmark Harvard Study of Adult Development” (New York: Little, Brown Spark, 2002) was the program’s director from 1972 to 2004. “When the study began, nobody cared about empathy or attachment. But the key to healthy aging is relationships, relationships, relationships,” Dr. Vaillant said in an interview in the Harvard Gazette.

Susan Pinker is a social psychologist and author of “The Village Effect: How Face-to-Face Contact Can Make Us Healthier and Happier” (Toronto: Random House Canada, 2014). In her 2017 TED talk, she notes that in all developed countries, women live 6-8 years longer than men, and are half as likely to die at any age. She is underwhelmed by digital relationships, and says that real life relationships affect our physiological states differently and in more beneficial ways. “Building your village and sustaining it is a matter of life and death,” she states at the end of her TED talk.

I spoke with Ms. Pinker about her thoughts on how our personal villages change over time. She was quick to tell me that she is not against digital communities. “I’m not a Luddite. As a writer, I probably spend as much time facing a screen as anyone else. But it’s important to remember that digital communities can amplify existing relationships, and don’t replace in-person social contact. A lot of people have drunk the Kool-Aid about virtual experiences, even though they are not the same as real life interactions.

“Loneliness takes on a U-shaped function across adulthood,” she explained with regard to how age impacts our social connections. “People are lonely when they first leave home or when they finish college and go out into the world. Then they settle into new situations; they can make friends at work, through their children, in their neighborhood, or by belonging to organizations. As people settle into their adult lives, there are increased opportunities to connect in person. But loneliness increases again in late middle age.” She explained that everyone loses people as their children move away, friends move, and couples may divorce or a spouse dies.

“Attrition of our social face-to-face networks is an ugly feature of aging,” Ms. Pinker said. “Some people are good at replacing the vacant spots; they sense that it is important to invest in different relationships as you age. It’s like a garden that you need to tend by replacing the perennials that die off in the winter.” The United States, she pointed out, has a culture that is particularly difficult for people in their later years.

My world is a little quieter than it once was, but collecting and holding on to people is important to me. The organizations and affiliations change over time, as does the brand of coffee. So I try to inspire some of my more isolated patients to prioritize their relationships, to let go of their grudges, to tolerate the discomfort of moving from their places of comfort to the temporary discomfort of reaching out in the service of achieving a less solitary, more purposeful, and healthier life. When it doesn’t come naturally, it can be hard work.

Dr. Miller is a coauthor of “Committed: The Battle Over Involuntary Psychiatric Care” (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016). She has a private practice and is assistant professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore. She has disclosed no relevant financial relationships.

A new study sheds light on the escalating youth suicide crisis, revealing that emergency room visits for suicidal thoughts among kids and teens steeply increased even before the  start of the  COVID-19 pandemic.

Emergency room visits for “suicidal ideation” (or suicidal thoughts) among 5- to 19-year-olds increased 59% from 2016 to 2021, and hospitalizations rose 57% from fall 2019 to the fall of 2020, according to the study published in Pediatrics.

“A lot of people have talked about mental health problems in youth during the pandemic, but it was happening before the pandemic,” said author Audrey Brewer, MD, MPH, in a news release from the Ann and Robert H. Lurie Children’s Hospital of Chicago. “This has been an issue for so long, and it’s getting worse.”

Researchers looked at data for 81,105 emergency room visits across 205 Illinois hospitals from 2016 to 2021 for kids between the ages of 5 and 19. 

The researchers found “there was a very sharp spike in fall 2019, followed by a similar spike during the pandemic fall of 2020, with the highest number of monthly visits during October 2020,” the authors said. “Youth aged 14-17 years had the highest frequency of [suicidal ideation emergency room] monthly visits, with visits in this group greater than the other age groups combined.”

Last year, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention announced that suicide is the second leading cause of death among 10- to 19-year-olds. 

The new research is being called a benchmark because it evaluates emergency room data for suicidal thoughts – a critical point of care for serving youths’ mental health needs. The data showed that providers were increasingly likely to list suicidal thoughts as the main diagnosis.

“Suicidal ideation can be thought about as two types: actively thinking about suicide or having thoughts, but not having a plan,” Dr. Brewer said in the news release. “That could be the difference in why someone might get admitted to the hospital.”

The researchers hypothesize that care in 2019 (when the initial spike occurred) was delayed in the early days of the pandemic, and that delay possibly contributed to the increase in providers identifying suicidal ideation as the main diagnosis. 

“The early pandemic period coincided with constrained access to pediatric mental health services through schools, pediatric primary care homes, and mental health clinics for many children and their families,” the authors wrote. “The proportion of child mental health visits increased relative to other types as patients avoided ED visits during the early wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. Thus, the increase in hospitalizations during fall 2020 may reflect patients’ deferring care until symptoms became even more severe.”

Other health care scholars agreed the study spurred questions about whether the pandemic was truly the source of the crisis.

“Was it the pandemic that exacerbated the increase or is this a growing trend?” wrote Lisa M. Horowitz, PhD, MPH, and Jeffrey A. Bridge, PhD, in a commentary published along with the study. “These rising rates underscore the worsening mental health crisis for youth, as noted by the 2022 Surgeon General report and several youth mental health organizations.”

A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.

A new study sheds light on the escalating youth suicide crisis, revealing that emergency room visits for suicidal thoughts among kids and teens steeply increased even before the  start of the  COVID-19 pandemic.

Emergency room visits for “suicidal ideation” (or suicidal thoughts) among 5- to 19-year-olds increased 59% from 2016 to 2021, and hospitalizations rose 57% from fall 2019 to the fall of 2020, according to the study published in Pediatrics.

“A lot of people have talked about mental health problems in youth during the pandemic, but it was happening before the pandemic,” said author Audrey Brewer, MD, MPH, in a news release from the Ann and Robert H. Lurie Children’s Hospital of Chicago. “This has been an issue for so long, and it’s getting worse.”

Researchers looked at data for 81,105 emergency room visits across 205 Illinois hospitals from 2016 to 2021 for kids between the ages of 5 and 19. 

The researchers found “there was a very sharp spike in fall 2019, followed by a similar spike during the pandemic fall of 2020, with the highest number of monthly visits during October 2020,” the authors said. “Youth aged 14-17 years had the highest frequency of [suicidal ideation emergency room] monthly visits, with visits in this group greater than the other age groups combined.”

Last year, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention announced that suicide is the second leading cause of death among 10- to 19-year-olds. 

The new research is being called a benchmark because it evaluates emergency room data for suicidal thoughts – a critical point of care for serving youths’ mental health needs. The data showed that providers were increasingly likely to list suicidal thoughts as the main diagnosis.

“Suicidal ideation can be thought about as two types: actively thinking about suicide or having thoughts, but not having a plan,” Dr. Brewer said in the news release. “That could be the difference in why someone might get admitted to the hospital.”

The researchers hypothesize that care in 2019 (when the initial spike occurred) was delayed in the early days of the pandemic, and that delay possibly contributed to the increase in providers identifying suicidal ideation as the main diagnosis. 

“The early pandemic period coincided with constrained access to pediatric mental health services through schools, pediatric primary care homes, and mental health clinics for many children and their families,” the authors wrote. “The proportion of child mental health visits increased relative to other types as patients avoided ED visits during the early wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. Thus, the increase in hospitalizations during fall 2020 may reflect patients’ deferring care until symptoms became even more severe.”

Other health care scholars agreed the study spurred questions about whether the pandemic was truly the source of the crisis.

“Was it the pandemic that exacerbated the increase or is this a growing trend?” wrote Lisa M. Horowitz, PhD, MPH, and Jeffrey A. Bridge, PhD, in a commentary published along with the study. “These rising rates underscore the worsening mental health crisis for youth, as noted by the 2022 Surgeon General report and several youth mental health organizations.”

A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.

A new study sheds light on the escalating youth suicide crisis, revealing that emergency room visits for suicidal thoughts among kids and teens steeply increased even before the  start of the  COVID-19 pandemic.

Emergency room visits for “suicidal ideation” (or suicidal thoughts) among 5- to 19-year-olds increased 59% from 2016 to 2021, and hospitalizations rose 57% from fall 2019 to the fall of 2020, according to the study published in Pediatrics.

“A lot of people have talked about mental health problems in youth during the pandemic, but it was happening before the pandemic,” said author Audrey Brewer, MD, MPH, in a news release from the Ann and Robert H. Lurie Children’s Hospital of Chicago. “This has been an issue for so long, and it’s getting worse.”

Researchers looked at data for 81,105 emergency room visits across 205 Illinois hospitals from 2016 to 2021 for kids between the ages of 5 and 19. 

The researchers found “there was a very sharp spike in fall 2019, followed by a similar spike during the pandemic fall of 2020, with the highest number of monthly visits during October 2020,” the authors said. “Youth aged 14-17 years had the highest frequency of [suicidal ideation emergency room] monthly visits, with visits in this group greater than the other age groups combined.”

Last year, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention announced that suicide is the second leading cause of death among 10- to 19-year-olds. 

The new research is being called a benchmark because it evaluates emergency room data for suicidal thoughts – a critical point of care for serving youths’ mental health needs. The data showed that providers were increasingly likely to list suicidal thoughts as the main diagnosis.

“Suicidal ideation can be thought about as two types: actively thinking about suicide or having thoughts, but not having a plan,” Dr. Brewer said in the news release. “That could be the difference in why someone might get admitted to the hospital.”

The researchers hypothesize that care in 2019 (when the initial spike occurred) was delayed in the early days of the pandemic, and that delay possibly contributed to the increase in providers identifying suicidal ideation as the main diagnosis. 

“The early pandemic period coincided with constrained access to pediatric mental health services through schools, pediatric primary care homes, and mental health clinics for many children and their families,” the authors wrote. “The proportion of child mental health visits increased relative to other types as patients avoided ED visits during the early wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. Thus, the increase in hospitalizations during fall 2020 may reflect patients’ deferring care until symptoms became even more severe.”

Other health care scholars agreed the study spurred questions about whether the pandemic was truly the source of the crisis.

“Was it the pandemic that exacerbated the increase or is this a growing trend?” wrote Lisa M. Horowitz, PhD, MPH, and Jeffrey A. Bridge, PhD, in a commentary published along with the study. “These rising rates underscore the worsening mental health crisis for youth, as noted by the 2022 Surgeon General report and several youth mental health organizations.”

A version of this article first appeared on WebMD.com.

Patients who presented to a laser and cosmetic dermatology clinic were significantly more likely to be on a psychiatric medication and/or carry a psychiatric diagnosis, compared with those who presented to a medical dermatology clinic, results from a large retrospective analysis showed.

“As the rate of cosmetic procedures continues to increase, it is crucial that physicians understand that many patients with a psychiatric disorder require clear communication and appropriate consultation visits,” lead study author Patricia Richey, MD, told this news organization.

While studies have displayed links between the desire for a cosmetic procedure and psychiatric stressors and disorders – most commonly mood disorders, personality disorders, body dysmorphic disorder, and addiction-like behavior – the scarce literature on the subject mostly comes from the realm of plastic surgery.

“The relationship between psychiatric disease and the motivation for dermatologic cosmetic procedures has never been fully elucidated,” said Dr. Richey, who practices Mohs surgery and cosmetic dermatology in Washington, D.C., and conducts research for the Wellman Center for Photomedicine and the Dermatology Laser and Cosmetic Center at Massachusetts General Hospital, Boston. “A possible association between psychiatric disorder and the motivation for cosmetic procedures is critical to understand given increasing procedure rates and the need for clear communication and appropriate consultation visits with these patients.”

For the retrospective cohort study, which was published online in the Journal of the American Academy of Dermatology, Dr. Richey; Mathew Avram, MD, JD, director of the Dermatology Laser and Cosmetic Center at MGH; and Ryan W. Chapin, PharmD, of Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center, Boston, reviewed the medical records of 1,000 patients from a cosmetic dermatology clinic and 1,000 patients from a medical dermatology clinic, both at MGH. Those who crossed over between the two clinics were excluded from the analysis.

Patients in the cosmetic group were significantly younger than those in the medical group (a mean of 48 vs. 56 years, respectively; P < .0001), and there was a higher percentage of women than men in both groups (78.5% vs. 21.5% in the cosmetic group and 61.4% vs. 38.6% in the medical group; P < .00001).

The researchers found that 49% of patients in the cosmetic group had been diagnosed with at least one psychiatric disorder, compared with 33% in the medical group (P < .00001), most commonly anxiety, depression, ADHD, and insomnia. In addition, 39 patients in the cosmetic group had 2 or more psychiatric disorders, compared with 22 of those in the medical group.

Similarly, 44% of patients in the cosmetic group were on a psychiatric medication, compared with 28% in the medical group (P < .00001). The average number of medications among those on more than one psychiatric medication was 1.67 among those in the cosmetic dermatology group versus 1.48 among those in the medical dermatology group (P = .020).

By drug class, a higher percentage of patients in the cosmetic group, compared with those in the medical group, were taking antidepressants (33% vs. 21%, respectively; P < .00001), anxiolytics (26% vs. 13%; P < .00001), mood stabilizers (2.80% vs. 1.10%; P = .006), and stimulants (15.2% vs. 7.20%; P < .00001). The proportion of those taking antipsychotics was essentially even in the two groups (2.50% vs. 2.70%; P = .779).

Dr. Richey and colleagues also observed that patients in the cosmetic group had significantly higher rates of obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) and ADHD than those in the medical group. “This finding did not particularly surprise me,” she said, since she and her colleagues recently published a study on the association of stimulant use with psychocutaneous disease.

“Stimulants are used to treat ADHD and are also known to trigger OCD-like symptoms,” she said. “I was surprised that no patients had been diagnosed with body dysmorphic disorder, but we know that with increased patient access to medical records, physicians are often cautious in their documentation.”

She added that the overall results of the new study underscore the importance of consultation visits with cosmetic patients, including obtaining a full medication list and accurate medical history, if possible. “One could also consider well-studied screening tools mostly from the mood disorder realm, such as the Patient Health Questionnaire–2,” Dr. Richey said. “Much can be gained from simply talking to the patient and trying to understand him/her and underlying motivations prior to performing a procedure.”

Evan Rieder, MD, a New York City–based dermatologist and psychiatrist who was asked to comment on the study, characterized the analysis as demonstrating what medical and cosmetic dermatologists have been seeing in their practices for years. “While this study is limited by its single-center retrospective nature in an academic center that may not be representative of the general population, it does demonstrate a high burden of psychopathology and psychopharmacologic treatments in aesthetic patients,” Dr. Rieder said in an interview.

“While psychiatric illness is not a contraindication to cosmetic treatment, a high percentage of patients with ADHD, OCD, and likely [body dysmorphic disorder] in cosmetic dermatology practices should give us pause.” The nature of these diseases may indicate that some people are seeking aesthetic treatments for reasons yet to be elucidated, he added.

“It certainly indicates that dermatologists should be equipped to screen for, identify, and provide such patients with the appropriate resources for psychological treatment, regardless if they are deemed appropriate candidates for cosmetic intervention,” he said.

In an interview, Pooja Sodha, MD, director of the Center for Laser and Cosmetic Dermatology at George Washington University, Washington, noted that previous studies have demonstrated the interplay between mood disorders and dermatologic conditions for years, namely in acne, atopic dermatitis, psoriasis, and immune mediated disorders.

“In these conditions, the psychiatric stressors can worsen the skin condition and impede treatment,” Dr. Sodha said. “This study is an important segue into further elucidating our cosmetic patient population, and we should try to ask the next important question: how do we as physicians build a better rapport with these patients, understand their motivations for care, and effectively guide the patient through the consultation process to realistically address their concerns? It might help us both.”

Neither the researchers nor Dr. Sodha reported having financial disclosures. Dr. Rieder disclosed that he is a consultant for Allergan, Almirall, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Dr. Brandt, L’Oreal, Procter & Gamble, and Unilever.






 

Patients who presented to a laser and cosmetic dermatology clinic were significantly more likely to be on a psychiatric medication and/or carry a psychiatric diagnosis, compared with those who presented to a medical dermatology clinic, results from a large retrospective analysis showed.

“As the rate of cosmetic procedures continues to increase, it is crucial that physicians understand that many patients with a psychiatric disorder require clear communication and appropriate consultation visits,” lead study author Patricia Richey, MD, told this news organization.

While studies have displayed links between the desire for a cosmetic procedure and psychiatric stressors and disorders – most commonly mood disorders, personality disorders, body dysmorphic disorder, and addiction-like behavior – the scarce literature on the subject mostly comes from the realm of plastic surgery.

“The relationship between psychiatric disease and the motivation for dermatologic cosmetic procedures has never been fully elucidated,” said Dr. Richey, who practices Mohs surgery and cosmetic dermatology in Washington, D.C., and conducts research for the Wellman Center for Photomedicine and the Dermatology Laser and Cosmetic Center at Massachusetts General Hospital, Boston. “A possible association between psychiatric disorder and the motivation for cosmetic procedures is critical to understand given increasing procedure rates and the need for clear communication and appropriate consultation visits with these patients.”

For the retrospective cohort study, which was published online in the Journal of the American Academy of Dermatology, Dr. Richey; Mathew Avram, MD, JD, director of the Dermatology Laser and Cosmetic Center at MGH; and Ryan W. Chapin, PharmD, of Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center, Boston, reviewed the medical records of 1,000 patients from a cosmetic dermatology clinic and 1,000 patients from a medical dermatology clinic, both at MGH. Those who crossed over between the two clinics were excluded from the analysis.

Patients in the cosmetic group were significantly younger than those in the medical group (a mean of 48 vs. 56 years, respectively; P < .0001), and there was a higher percentage of women than men in both groups (78.5% vs. 21.5% in the cosmetic group and 61.4% vs. 38.6% in the medical group; P < .00001).

The researchers found that 49% of patients in the cosmetic group had been diagnosed with at least one psychiatric disorder, compared with 33% in the medical group (P < .00001), most commonly anxiety, depression, ADHD, and insomnia. In addition, 39 patients in the cosmetic group had 2 or more psychiatric disorders, compared with 22 of those in the medical group.

Similarly, 44% of patients in the cosmetic group were on a psychiatric medication, compared with 28% in the medical group (P < .00001). The average number of medications among those on more than one psychiatric medication was 1.67 among those in the cosmetic dermatology group versus 1.48 among those in the medical dermatology group (P = .020).

By drug class, a higher percentage of patients in the cosmetic group, compared with those in the medical group, were taking antidepressants (33% vs. 21%, respectively; P < .00001), anxiolytics (26% vs. 13%; P < .00001), mood stabilizers (2.80% vs. 1.10%; P = .006), and stimulants (15.2% vs. 7.20%; P < .00001). The proportion of those taking antipsychotics was essentially even in the two groups (2.50% vs. 2.70%; P = .779).

Dr. Richey and colleagues also observed that patients in the cosmetic group had significantly higher rates of obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) and ADHD than those in the medical group. “This finding did not particularly surprise me,” she said, since she and her colleagues recently published a study on the association of stimulant use with psychocutaneous disease.

“Stimulants are used to treat ADHD and are also known to trigger OCD-like symptoms,” she said. “I was surprised that no patients had been diagnosed with body dysmorphic disorder, but we know that with increased patient access to medical records, physicians are often cautious in their documentation.”

She added that the overall results of the new study underscore the importance of consultation visits with cosmetic patients, including obtaining a full medication list and accurate medical history, if possible. “One could also consider well-studied screening tools mostly from the mood disorder realm, such as the Patient Health Questionnaire–2,” Dr. Richey said. “Much can be gained from simply talking to the patient and trying to understand him/her and underlying motivations prior to performing a procedure.”

Evan Rieder, MD, a New York City–based dermatologist and psychiatrist who was asked to comment on the study, characterized the analysis as demonstrating what medical and cosmetic dermatologists have been seeing in their practices for years. “While this study is limited by its single-center retrospective nature in an academic center that may not be representative of the general population, it does demonstrate a high burden of psychopathology and psychopharmacologic treatments in aesthetic patients,” Dr. Rieder said in an interview.

“While psychiatric illness is not a contraindication to cosmetic treatment, a high percentage of patients with ADHD, OCD, and likely [body dysmorphic disorder] in cosmetic dermatology practices should give us pause.” The nature of these diseases may indicate that some people are seeking aesthetic treatments for reasons yet to be elucidated, he added.

“It certainly indicates that dermatologists should be equipped to screen for, identify, and provide such patients with the appropriate resources for psychological treatment, regardless if they are deemed appropriate candidates for cosmetic intervention,” he said.

In an interview, Pooja Sodha, MD, director of the Center for Laser and Cosmetic Dermatology at George Washington University, Washington, noted that previous studies have demonstrated the interplay between mood disorders and dermatologic conditions for years, namely in acne, atopic dermatitis, psoriasis, and immune mediated disorders.

“In these conditions, the psychiatric stressors can worsen the skin condition and impede treatment,” Dr. Sodha said. “This study is an important segue into further elucidating our cosmetic patient population, and we should try to ask the next important question: how do we as physicians build a better rapport with these patients, understand their motivations for care, and effectively guide the patient through the consultation process to realistically address their concerns? It might help us both.”

Neither the researchers nor Dr. Sodha reported having financial disclosures. Dr. Rieder disclosed that he is a consultant for Allergan, Almirall, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Dr. Brandt, L’Oreal, Procter & Gamble, and Unilever.






 

Patients who presented to a laser and cosmetic dermatology clinic were significantly more likely to be on a psychiatric medication and/or carry a psychiatric diagnosis, compared with those who presented to a medical dermatology clinic, results from a large retrospective analysis showed.

“As the rate of cosmetic procedures continues to increase, it is crucial that physicians understand that many patients with a psychiatric disorder require clear communication and appropriate consultation visits,” lead study author Patricia Richey, MD, told this news organization.

While studies have displayed links between the desire for a cosmetic procedure and psychiatric stressors and disorders – most commonly mood disorders, personality disorders, body dysmorphic disorder, and addiction-like behavior – the scarce literature on the subject mostly comes from the realm of plastic surgery.

“The relationship between psychiatric disease and the motivation for dermatologic cosmetic procedures has never been fully elucidated,” said Dr. Richey, who practices Mohs surgery and cosmetic dermatology in Washington, D.C., and conducts research for the Wellman Center for Photomedicine and the Dermatology Laser and Cosmetic Center at Massachusetts General Hospital, Boston. “A possible association between psychiatric disorder and the motivation for cosmetic procedures is critical to understand given increasing procedure rates and the need for clear communication and appropriate consultation visits with these patients.”

For the retrospective cohort study, which was published online in the Journal of the American Academy of Dermatology, Dr. Richey; Mathew Avram, MD, JD, director of the Dermatology Laser and Cosmetic Center at MGH; and Ryan W. Chapin, PharmD, of Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center, Boston, reviewed the medical records of 1,000 patients from a cosmetic dermatology clinic and 1,000 patients from a medical dermatology clinic, both at MGH. Those who crossed over between the two clinics were excluded from the analysis.

Patients in the cosmetic group were significantly younger than those in the medical group (a mean of 48 vs. 56 years, respectively; P < .0001), and there was a higher percentage of women than men in both groups (78.5% vs. 21.5% in the cosmetic group and 61.4% vs. 38.6% in the medical group; P < .00001).

The researchers found that 49% of patients in the cosmetic group had been diagnosed with at least one psychiatric disorder, compared with 33% in the medical group (P < .00001), most commonly anxiety, depression, ADHD, and insomnia. In addition, 39 patients in the cosmetic group had 2 or more psychiatric disorders, compared with 22 of those in the medical group.

Similarly, 44% of patients in the cosmetic group were on a psychiatric medication, compared with 28% in the medical group (P < .00001). The average number of medications among those on more than one psychiatric medication was 1.67 among those in the cosmetic dermatology group versus 1.48 among those in the medical dermatology group (P = .020).

By drug class, a higher percentage of patients in the cosmetic group, compared with those in the medical group, were taking antidepressants (33% vs. 21%, respectively; P < .00001), anxiolytics (26% vs. 13%; P < .00001), mood stabilizers (2.80% vs. 1.10%; P = .006), and stimulants (15.2% vs. 7.20%; P < .00001). The proportion of those taking antipsychotics was essentially even in the two groups (2.50% vs. 2.70%; P = .779).

Dr. Richey and colleagues also observed that patients in the cosmetic group had significantly higher rates of obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) and ADHD than those in the medical group. “This finding did not particularly surprise me,” she said, since she and her colleagues recently published a study on the association of stimulant use with psychocutaneous disease.

“Stimulants are used to treat ADHD and are also known to trigger OCD-like symptoms,” she said. “I was surprised that no patients had been diagnosed with body dysmorphic disorder, but we know that with increased patient access to medical records, physicians are often cautious in their documentation.”

She added that the overall results of the new study underscore the importance of consultation visits with cosmetic patients, including obtaining a full medication list and accurate medical history, if possible. “One could also consider well-studied screening tools mostly from the mood disorder realm, such as the Patient Health Questionnaire–2,” Dr. Richey said. “Much can be gained from simply talking to the patient and trying to understand him/her and underlying motivations prior to performing a procedure.”

Evan Rieder, MD, a New York City–based dermatologist and psychiatrist who was asked to comment on the study, characterized the analysis as demonstrating what medical and cosmetic dermatologists have been seeing in their practices for years. “While this study is limited by its single-center retrospective nature in an academic center that may not be representative of the general population, it does demonstrate a high burden of psychopathology and psychopharmacologic treatments in aesthetic patients,” Dr. Rieder said in an interview.

“While psychiatric illness is not a contraindication to cosmetic treatment, a high percentage of patients with ADHD, OCD, and likely [body dysmorphic disorder] in cosmetic dermatology practices should give us pause.” The nature of these diseases may indicate that some people are seeking aesthetic treatments for reasons yet to be elucidated, he added.

“It certainly indicates that dermatologists should be equipped to screen for, identify, and provide such patients with the appropriate resources for psychological treatment, regardless if they are deemed appropriate candidates for cosmetic intervention,” he said.

In an interview, Pooja Sodha, MD, director of the Center for Laser and Cosmetic Dermatology at George Washington University, Washington, noted that previous studies have demonstrated the interplay between mood disorders and dermatologic conditions for years, namely in acne, atopic dermatitis, psoriasis, and immune mediated disorders.

“In these conditions, the psychiatric stressors can worsen the skin condition and impede treatment,” Dr. Sodha said. “This study is an important segue into further elucidating our cosmetic patient population, and we should try to ask the next important question: how do we as physicians build a better rapport with these patients, understand their motivations for care, and effectively guide the patient through the consultation process to realistically address their concerns? It might help us both.”

Neither the researchers nor Dr. Sodha reported having financial disclosures. Dr. Rieder disclosed that he is a consultant for Allergan, Almirall, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Dr. Brandt, L’Oreal, Procter & Gamble, and Unilever.






 

The US Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) is the largest integrated health care system in the United States, providing care for more than 9 million veterans.¹ With veterans experiencing mental health conditions like posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), substance use disorders, and other serious mental illnesses (SMI) at higher rates compared with the general population, the VA plays an important role in the provision of mental health services.^2-5 Since the implementation of its Mental Health Strategic Plan in 2004, the VA has overseen the development of a wide array of mental health programs geared toward the complex needs of veterans. Research has demonstrated VA care outperforming Medicaid-reimbursed services in terms of the percentage of veterans filling antidepressants for at least 12 weeks after initiation of treatment for major depressive disorder (MDD), as well as posthospitalization follow-up.⁶

Eligible veterans enrolled in the VA often also seek non-VA care. Medicaid covers nearly 10% of all nonelderly veterans, and of these veterans, 39% rely solely on Medicaid for health care access.⁷ Today, Medicaid is the largest payer for mental health services in the US, providing coverage for approximately 27% of Americans who have SMI and helping fulfill unmet mental health needs.^8,9 Understanding which of these systems veterans choose to use, and under which circumstances, is essential in guiding the allocation of limited health care resources.¹⁰

Beyond Medicaid, alternatives to VA care may include TRICARE, Medicare, Indian Health Services, and employer-based or self-purchased private insurance. While these options potentially increase convenience, choice, and access to health care practitioners (HCPs) and services not available at local VA systems, cross-system utilization with poor integration may cause care coordination and continuity problems, such as medication mismanagement and opioid overdose, unnecessary duplicate utilization, and possible increased mortality.^11-15 As recent national legislative changes, such as the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA), Veterans Access, Choice and Accountability Act, and the VA MISSION Act, continue to shift the health care landscape for veterans, questions surrounding how veterans are changing their health care use become significant.^16,17

Here, we approach the impacts of Medicaid expansion on veterans’ reliance on the VA for mental health services with a unique lens. We leverage a difference-in-difference design to study 2 historical Medicaid expansions in Arizona (AZ) and New York (NY), which extended eligibility to childless adults in 2001. Prior Medicaid dual-eligible mental health research investigated reliance shifts during the immediate postenrollment year in a subset of veterans newly enrolled in Medicaid.¹⁸ However, this study took place in a period of relative policy stability. In contrast, we investigate the potential effects of a broad policy shift by analyzing state-level changes in veterans’ reliance over 6 years after a statewide Medicaid expansion. We match expansion states with demographically similar nonexpansion states to account for unobserved trends and confounding effects. Prior studies have used this method to evaluate post-Medicaid expansion mortality changes and changes in veteran dual enrollment and hospitalizations.^10,19 While a study of ACA Medicaid expansion states would be ideal, Medicaid data from most states were only available through 2014 at the time of this analysis. Our study offers a quasi-experimental framework leveraging longitudinal data that can be applied as more post-ACA data become available.

Given the rising incidence of suicide among veterans, understanding care-seeking behaviors for depression among veterans is important as it is the most common psychiatric condition found in those who died by suicide.^20,21 Furthermore, depression may be useful as a clinical proxy for mental health policy impacts, given that the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9) screening tool is well validated and increasingly research accessible, and it is a chronic condition responsive to both well-managed pharmacologic treatment and psychotherapeutic interventions.^22,23

In this study, we quantify the change in care-seeking behavior for depression among veterans after Medicaid expansion, using a quasi-experimental design. We hypothesize that new access to Medicaid would be associated with a shift away from using VA services for depression. Given the income-dependent eligibility requirements of Medicaid, we also hypothesize that veterans who qualified for VA coverage due to low income, determined by a regional means test (Priority group 5, “income-eligible”), would be more likely to shift care compared with those whose serviced-connected conditions related to their military service (Priority groups 1-4, “service-connected”) provide VA access.

Methods

To investigate the relative changes in veterans’ reliance on the VA for depression care after the 2001 NY and AZ Medicaid expansions We used a retrospective, difference-in-difference analysis. Our comparison pairings, based on prior demographic analyses were as follows: NY with Pennsylvania(PA); AZ with New Mexico and Nevada (NM/NV).¹⁹ The time frame of our analysis was 1999 to 2006, with pre- and postexpansion periods defined as 1999 to 2000 and 2001 to 2006, respectively.

Data

We included veterans aged 18 to 64 years, seeking care for depression from 1999 to 2006, who were also VA-enrolled and residing in our states of interest. We counted veterans as enrolled in Medicaid if they were enrolled at least 1 month in a given year.

Using similar methods like those used in prior studies, we selected patients with encounters documenting depression as the primary outpatient or inpatient diagnosis using International Classification of Diseases, Ninth Revision, Clinical Modification (ICD-9-CM) codes: 296.2x for a single episode of major depressive disorder, 296.3x for a recurrent episode of MDD, 300.4 for dysthymia, and 311.0 for depression not otherwise specified.^18,24 We used data from the Medicaid Analytic eXtract files (MAX) for Medicaid data and the VA Corporate Data Warehouse (CDW) for VA data. We chose 1999 as the first study year because it was the earliest year MAX data were available.

Our final sample included 1833 person-years pre-expansion and 7157 postexpansion in our inpatient analysis, as well as 31,767 person-years pre-expansion and 130,382 postexpansion in our outpatient analysis.

Outcomes and Variables

Our primary outcomes were comparative shifts in VA reliance between expansion and nonexpansion states after Medicaid expansion for both inpatient and outpatient depression care. For each year of study, we calculated a veteran’s VA reliance by aggregating the number of days with depression-related encounters at the VA and dividing by the total number of days with a VA or Medicaid depression-related encounters for the year. To provide context to these shifts in VA reliance, we further analyzed the changes in the proportion of annual VA-Medicaid dual users and annual per capita utilization of depression care across the VA and Medicaid. Changes in the proportion would indicate a relative shift in usage between the VA and Medicaid. Annual per capita changes demonstrate changes in the volume of usage. Understanding how proportion and volume interact is critical to understanding likely ramifications for resource management and cost. For example, a relative shift in the proportion of care toward Medicaid might be explained by a substitution effect of increased Medicaid usage and lower VA per capita usage, or an additive (or complementary) effect, with more Medicaid services coming on top of the current VA services.

We conducted subanalyses by income-eligible and service-connected veterans and adjusted our models for age, non-White race, sex, distances to the nearest inpatient and outpatient VA facilities, and VA Relative Risk Score, which is a measure of disease burden and clinical complexity validated specifically for veterans.²⁵

Statistical Analysis

We used fractional logistic regression to model the adjusted effect of Medicaid expansion on VA reliance for depression care. In parallel, we leveraged ordered logit regression and negative binomial regression models to examine the proportion of VA-Medicaid dual users and the per capita utilization of Medicaid and VA depression care, respectively. To estimate the difference-in-difference effects, we used the interaction term of 2 categorical variables—expansion vs nonexpansion states and pre- vs postexpansion status—as the independent variable. We then calculated the average marginal effects with 95% CIs to estimate the differences in outcomes between expansion and nonexpansion states from pre- to postexpansion periods, as well as year-by-year shifts as a robustness check. We conducted these analyses using Stata MP, version 15.

This project was approved by the Baylor College of Medicine Institutional Review Board (IRB # H-40441) and the Michael E. Debakey Veterans Affairs Medical Center Research and Development Committee.

Results

Baseline and postexpansion characteristics

VA Reliance

Overall, we observed postexpansion decreases in VA reliance for depression care

At the state level, reliance on the VA for inpatient depression care in NY decreased by 13.53 pp (95% CI, -22.58 to -4.49) for income-eligible veterans and 16.67 pp (95% CI, -24.53 to -8.80) for service-connected veterans. No relative differences were observed in the outpatient comparisons for both income-eligible (-0.58 pp; 95% CI, -2.13 to 0.98) and service-connected (0.05 pp; 95% CI, -1.00 to 1.10) veterans. In AZ, Medicaid expansion was associated with decreased VA reliance for outpatient depression care among income-eligible veterans (-8.60 pp; 95% CI, -10.60 to -6.61), greater than that for service-connected veterans (-2.89 pp; 95% CI, -4.02 to -1.77). This decrease in VA reliance was significant in the inpatient context only for service-connected veterans (-4.55 pp; 95% CI, -8.14 to -0.97), not income-eligible veterans (-8.38 pp; 95% CI, -17.91 to 1.16).

By applying the aggregate pp changes toward the postexpansion number of visits across both expansion and nonexpansion states, we found that expansion of Medicaid across all our study states would have resulted in 996 fewer hospitalizations and 10,109 fewer outpatient visits for depression at VA in the postexpansion period vs if no states had chosen to expand Medicaid.

Dual Use/Per Capita Utilization

Overall, Medicaid expansion was associated with greater dual use for inpatient depression care—a 0.97-pp (95% CI, 0.46 to 1.48) increase among service-connected veterans and a 0.64-pp (95% CI, 0.35 to 0.94) increase among income-eligible veterans.
At the state level, NY similarly showed increases in dual use among both service-connected (1.48 pp; 95% CI, 0.80 to 2.16) and income-eligible veterans (0.73 pp; 95% CI, 0.39 to 1.07) after Medicaid expansion. However, dual use in AZ increased significantly only among service-connected veterans (0.70 pp; 95% CI, 0.03 to 1.38), not income-eligible veterans (0.31 pp; 95% CI, -0.17 to 0.78).

Among outpatient visits, Medicaid expansion was associated with increased dual use only for income-eligible veterans (0.16 pp; 95% CI, 0.03-0.29), and not service-connected veterans (0.09 pp; 95% CI, -0.04 to 0.21). State-level analyses showed that Medicaid expansion in NY was not associated with changes in dual use for either service-connected (0.01 pp; 95% CI, -0.16 to 0.17) or income-eligible veterans (0.03 pp; 95% CI, -0.12 to 0.18), while expansion in AZ was associated with increases in dual use among both service-connected (0.42 pp; 95% CI, 0.23 to 0.61) and income-eligible veterans (0.83 pp; 95% CI, 0.59 to 1.07).

Concerning per capita utilization of depression care after Medicaid expansion, analyses showed no detectable changes for either inpatient or outpatient services, among both service-connected and income-eligible veterans. However, while this pattern held at the state level among hospitalizations, outpatient visit results showed divergent trends between AZ and NY. In NY, Medicaid expansion was associated with decreased per capita utilization of outpatient depression care among both service-connected (-0.25 visits annually; 95% CI, -0.48 to -0.01) and income-eligible veterans (-0.64 visits annually; 95% CI, -0.93 to -0.35). In AZ, Medicaid expansion was associated with increased per capita utilization of outpatient depression care among both service-connected (0.62 visits annually; 95% CI, 0.32-0.91) and income-eligible veterans (2.32 visits annually; 95% CI, 1.99-2.65).

Discussion

Our study quantified changes in depression-related health care utilization after Medicaid expansions in NY and AZ in 2001. Overall, the balance of evidence indicated that Medicaid expansion was associated with decreased reliance on the VA for depression-related services. There was an exception: income-eligible veterans in AZ did not shift their hospital care away from the VA in a statistically discernible way, although the point estimate was lower. More broadly, these findings concerning veterans’ reliance varied not only in inpatient vs outpatient services and income- vs service-connected eligibility, but also in the state-level contexts of veteran dual users and per capita utilization.

Given that the overall per capita utilization of depression care was unchanged from pre- to postexpansion periods, one might interpret the decreases in VA reliance and increases in Medicaid-VA dual users as a substitution effect from VA care to non-VA care. This could be plausible for hospitalizations where state-level analyses showed similarly stable levels of per capita utilization. However, state-level trends in our outpatient utilization analysis, especially with a substantial 2.32 pp increase in annual per capita visits among income-eligible veterans in AZ, leave open the possibility that in some cases veterans may be complementing VA care with Medicaid-reimbursed services.

The causes underlying these differences in reliance shifts between NY and AZ are likely also influenced by the policy contexts of their respective Medicaid expansions. For example, in 1999, NY passed Kendra’s Law, which established a procedure for obtaining court orders for assisted outpatient mental health treatment for individuals deemed unlikely to survive safely in the community.²⁶ A reasonable inference is that there was less unfulfilled outpatient mental health need in NY under the existing accessibility provisioned by Kendra’s Law. In addition, while both states extended coverage to childless adults under 100% of the Federal Poverty level (FPL), the AZ Medicaid expansion was via a voters’ initiative and extended family coverage to 200% FPL vs 150% FPL for families in NY. Given that the AZ Medicaid expansion enjoyed both broader public participation and generosity in terms of eligibility, its uptake and therefore effect size may have been larger than in NY for nonacute outpatient care.

Our findings contribute to the growing body of literature surrounding the changes in health care utilization after Medicaid expansion, specifically for a newly dual-eligible population of veterans seeking mental health services for depression. While prior research concerning Medicare dual-enrolled veterans has shown high reliance on the VA for both mental health diagnoses and services, scholars have established the association of Medicaid enrollment with decreased VA reliance.^27-29 Our analysis is the first to investigate state-level effects of Medicaid expansion on VA reliance for a single mental health condition using a natural experimental framework. We focus on a population that includes a large portion of veterans who are newly Medicaid-eligible due to a sweeping policy change and use demographically matched nonexpansion states to draw comparisons in VA reliance for depression care. Our findings of Medicaid expansion–associated decreases in VA reliance for depression care complement prior literature that describe Medicaid enrollment–associated decreases in VA reliance for overall mental health care.

Implications

From a systems-level perspective, the implications of shifting services away from the VA are complex and incompletely understood. The VA lacks interoperability with the electronic health records (EHRs) used by Medicaid clinicians. Consequently, significant issues of service duplication and incomplete clinical data exist for veterans seeking treatment outside of the VA system, posing health care quality and safety concerns.³⁰ On one hand, Medicaid access is associated with increased health care utilization attributed to filling unmet needs for Medicare dual enrollees, as well as increased prescription filling for psychiatric medications.^31,32 Furthermore, the only randomized control trial of Medicaid expansion to date was associated with a 9-pp decrease in positive screening rates for depression among those who received access at around 2 years postexpansion.³³ On the other hand, the VA has developed a mental health system tailored to the particular needs of veterans, and health care practitioners at the VA have significantly greater rates of military cultural competency compared to those in nonmilitary settings (70% vs 24% in the TRICARE network and 8% among those with no military or TRICARE affiliation).³⁴ Compared to individuals seeking mental health services with private insurance plans, veterans were about twice as likely to receive appropriate treatment for schizophrenia and depression at the VA.³⁵ These documented strengths of VA mental health care may together help explain the small absolute number of visits that were associated with shifts away from VA overall after Medicaid expansion.

Finally, it is worth considering extrinsic factors that influence utilization among newly dual-eligible veterans. For example, hospitalizations are less likely to be planned than outpatient services, translating to a greater importance of proximity to a nearby medical facility than a veteran’s preference of where to seek care. In the same vein, major VA medical centers are fewer and more distant on average than VA outpatient clinics, therefore reducing the advantage of a Medicaid-reimbursed outpatient clinic in terms of distance.³⁶ These realities may partially explain the proportionally larger shifts away from the VA for hospitalizations compared to outpatient care for depression.

These shifts in utilization after Medicaid expansion may have important implications for VA policymakers. First, more study is needed to know which types of veterans are more likely to use Medicaid instead of VA services—or use both Medicaid and VA services. Our research indicates unsurprisingly that veterans without service-connected disability ratings and eligible for VA services due to low income are more likely to use at least some Medicaid services. Further understanding of who switches will be useful for the VA both tailoring its services to those who prefer VA and for reaching out to specific types of patients who might be better served by staying within the VA system. Finally, VA clinicians and administrators can prioritize improving care coordination for those who chose to use both Medicaid and VA services.

Limitations and Future Directions

Our results should be interpreted within methodological and data limitations. With only 2 states in our sample, NY demonstrably skewed overall results, contributing 1.7 to 3 times more observations than AZ across subanalyses—a challenge also cited by Sommers and colleagues.¹⁹ Our veteran groupings were also unable to distinguish those veterans classified as service-connected who may also have qualified by income-eligible criteria (which would tend to understate the size of results) and those veterans who gained and then lost Medicaid coverage in a given year. Our study also faces limitations in generalizability and establishing causality. First, we included only 2 historical state Medicaid expansions, compared with the 38 states and Washington, DC, that have now expanded Medicaid to date under the ACA. Just in the 2 states from our study, we noted significant heterogeneity in the shifts associated with Medicaid expansion, which makes extrapolating specific trends difficult. Differences in underlying health care resources, legislation, and other external factors may limit the applicability of Medicaid expansion in the era of the ACA, as well as the Veterans Choice and MISSION acts. Second, while we leveraged a difference-in-difference analysis using demographically matched, neighboring comparison states, our findings are nevertheless drawn from observational data obviating causality. VA data for other sources of coverage such as private insurance are limited and not included in our study, and MAX datasets vary by quality across states, translating to potential gaps in our study cohort.²⁸Finally, as in any study using diagnoses, visits addressing care for depression may have been missed if other diagnoses were noted as primary (eg, VA clinicians carrying forward old diagnoses, like PTSD, on the problem list) or nondepression care visits may have been captured if a depression diagnosis was used by default.

Moving forward, our study demonstrates the potential for applying a natural experimental approach to studying dual-eligible veterans at the interface of Medicaid expansion. We focused on changes in VA reliance for the specific condition of depression and, in doing so, invite further inquiry into the impact of state mental health policy on outcomes more proximate to veterans’ outcomes. Clinical indicators, such as rates of antidepressant filling, utilization and duration of psychotherapy, and PHQ-9 scores, can similarly be investigated by natural experimental design. While current limits of administrative data and the siloing of EHRs may pose barriers to some of these avenues of research, multidisciplinary methodologies and data querying innovations such as natural language processing algorithms for clinical notes hold exciting opportunities to bridge the gap between policy and clinical efficacy.

Conclusions

This study applied a difference-in-difference analysis and found that Medicaid expansion is associated with decreases in VA reliance for both inpatient and outpatient services for depression. As additional data are generated from the Medicaid expansions of the ACA, similarly robust methods should be applied to further explore the impacts associated with such policy shifts and open the door to a better understanding of implications at the clinical level.

Acknowledgments

We acknowledge the efforts of Janine Wong, who proofread and formatted the manuscript.

The US Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) is the largest integrated health care system in the United States, providing care for more than 9 million veterans.¹ With veterans experiencing mental health conditions like posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), substance use disorders, and other serious mental illnesses (SMI) at higher rates compared with the general population, the VA plays an important role in the provision of mental health services.^2-5 Since the implementation of its Mental Health Strategic Plan in 2004, the VA has overseen the development of a wide array of mental health programs geared toward the complex needs of veterans. Research has demonstrated VA care outperforming Medicaid-reimbursed services in terms of the percentage of veterans filling antidepressants for at least 12 weeks after initiation of treatment for major depressive disorder (MDD), as well as posthospitalization follow-up.⁶

Eligible veterans enrolled in the VA often also seek non-VA care. Medicaid covers nearly 10% of all nonelderly veterans, and of these veterans, 39% rely solely on Medicaid for health care access.⁷ Today, Medicaid is the largest payer for mental health services in the US, providing coverage for approximately 27% of Americans who have SMI and helping fulfill unmet mental health needs.^8,9 Understanding which of these systems veterans choose to use, and under which circumstances, is essential in guiding the allocation of limited health care resources.¹⁰

Beyond Medicaid, alternatives to VA care may include TRICARE, Medicare, Indian Health Services, and employer-based or self-purchased private insurance. While these options potentially increase convenience, choice, and access to health care practitioners (HCPs) and services not available at local VA systems, cross-system utilization with poor integration may cause care coordination and continuity problems, such as medication mismanagement and opioid overdose, unnecessary duplicate utilization, and possible increased mortality.^11-15 As recent national legislative changes, such as the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA), Veterans Access, Choice and Accountability Act, and the VA MISSION Act, continue to shift the health care landscape for veterans, questions surrounding how veterans are changing their health care use become significant.^16,17

Here, we approach the impacts of Medicaid expansion on veterans’ reliance on the VA for mental health services with a unique lens. We leverage a difference-in-difference design to study 2 historical Medicaid expansions in Arizona (AZ) and New York (NY), which extended eligibility to childless adults in 2001. Prior Medicaid dual-eligible mental health research investigated reliance shifts during the immediate postenrollment year in a subset of veterans newly enrolled in Medicaid.¹⁸ However, this study took place in a period of relative policy stability. In contrast, we investigate the potential effects of a broad policy shift by analyzing state-level changes in veterans’ reliance over 6 years after a statewide Medicaid expansion. We match expansion states with demographically similar nonexpansion states to account for unobserved trends and confounding effects. Prior studies have used this method to evaluate post-Medicaid expansion mortality changes and changes in veteran dual enrollment and hospitalizations.^10,19 While a study of ACA Medicaid expansion states would be ideal, Medicaid data from most states were only available through 2014 at the time of this analysis. Our study offers a quasi-experimental framework leveraging longitudinal data that can be applied as more post-ACA data become available.

Given the rising incidence of suicide among veterans, understanding care-seeking behaviors for depression among veterans is important as it is the most common psychiatric condition found in those who died by suicide.^20,21 Furthermore, depression may be useful as a clinical proxy for mental health policy impacts, given that the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9) screening tool is well validated and increasingly research accessible, and it is a chronic condition responsive to both well-managed pharmacologic treatment and psychotherapeutic interventions.^22,23

In this study, we quantify the change in care-seeking behavior for depression among veterans after Medicaid expansion, using a quasi-experimental design. We hypothesize that new access to Medicaid would be associated with a shift away from using VA services for depression. Given the income-dependent eligibility requirements of Medicaid, we also hypothesize that veterans who qualified for VA coverage due to low income, determined by a regional means test (Priority group 5, “income-eligible”), would be more likely to shift care compared with those whose serviced-connected conditions related to their military service (Priority groups 1-4, “service-connected”) provide VA access.

Methods

To investigate the relative changes in veterans’ reliance on the VA for depression care after the 2001 NY and AZ Medicaid expansions We used a retrospective, difference-in-difference analysis. Our comparison pairings, based on prior demographic analyses were as follows: NY with Pennsylvania(PA); AZ with New Mexico and Nevada (NM/NV).¹⁹ The time frame of our analysis was 1999 to 2006, with pre- and postexpansion periods defined as 1999 to 2000 and 2001 to 2006, respectively.

Data

We included veterans aged 18 to 64 years, seeking care for depression from 1999 to 2006, who were also VA-enrolled and residing in our states of interest. We counted veterans as enrolled in Medicaid if they were enrolled at least 1 month in a given year.

Using similar methods like those used in prior studies, we selected patients with encounters documenting depression as the primary outpatient or inpatient diagnosis using International Classification of Diseases, Ninth Revision, Clinical Modification (ICD-9-CM) codes: 296.2x for a single episode of major depressive disorder, 296.3x for a recurrent episode of MDD, 300.4 for dysthymia, and 311.0 for depression not otherwise specified.^18,24 We used data from the Medicaid Analytic eXtract files (MAX) for Medicaid data and the VA Corporate Data Warehouse (CDW) for VA data. We chose 1999 as the first study year because it was the earliest year MAX data were available.

Our final sample included 1833 person-years pre-expansion and 7157 postexpansion in our inpatient analysis, as well as 31,767 person-years pre-expansion and 130,382 postexpansion in our outpatient analysis.

Outcomes and Variables

Our primary outcomes were comparative shifts in VA reliance between expansion and nonexpansion states after Medicaid expansion for both inpatient and outpatient depression care. For each year of study, we calculated a veteran’s VA reliance by aggregating the number of days with depression-related encounters at the VA and dividing by the total number of days with a VA or Medicaid depression-related encounters for the year. To provide context to these shifts in VA reliance, we further analyzed the changes in the proportion of annual VA-Medicaid dual users and annual per capita utilization of depression care across the VA and Medicaid. Changes in the proportion would indicate a relative shift in usage between the VA and Medicaid. Annual per capita changes demonstrate changes in the volume of usage. Understanding how proportion and volume interact is critical to understanding likely ramifications for resource management and cost. For example, a relative shift in the proportion of care toward Medicaid might be explained by a substitution effect of increased Medicaid usage and lower VA per capita usage, or an additive (or complementary) effect, with more Medicaid services coming on top of the current VA services.

We conducted subanalyses by income-eligible and service-connected veterans and adjusted our models for age, non-White race, sex, distances to the nearest inpatient and outpatient VA facilities, and VA Relative Risk Score, which is a measure of disease burden and clinical complexity validated specifically for veterans.²⁵

Statistical Analysis

We used fractional logistic regression to model the adjusted effect of Medicaid expansion on VA reliance for depression care. In parallel, we leveraged ordered logit regression and negative binomial regression models to examine the proportion of VA-Medicaid dual users and the per capita utilization of Medicaid and VA depression care, respectively. To estimate the difference-in-difference effects, we used the interaction term of 2 categorical variables—expansion vs nonexpansion states and pre- vs postexpansion status—as the independent variable. We then calculated the average marginal effects with 95% CIs to estimate the differences in outcomes between expansion and nonexpansion states from pre- to postexpansion periods, as well as year-by-year shifts as a robustness check. We conducted these analyses using Stata MP, version 15.

This project was approved by the Baylor College of Medicine Institutional Review Board (IRB # H-40441) and the Michael E. Debakey Veterans Affairs Medical Center Research and Development Committee.

Results

Baseline and postexpansion characteristics

VA Reliance

Overall, we observed postexpansion decreases in VA reliance for depression care

At the state level, reliance on the VA for inpatient depression care in NY decreased by 13.53 pp (95% CI, -22.58 to -4.49) for income-eligible veterans and 16.67 pp (95% CI, -24.53 to -8.80) for service-connected veterans. No relative differences were observed in the outpatient comparisons for both income-eligible (-0.58 pp; 95% CI, -2.13 to 0.98) and service-connected (0.05 pp; 95% CI, -1.00 to 1.10) veterans. In AZ, Medicaid expansion was associated with decreased VA reliance for outpatient depression care among income-eligible veterans (-8.60 pp; 95% CI, -10.60 to -6.61), greater than that for service-connected veterans (-2.89 pp; 95% CI, -4.02 to -1.77). This decrease in VA reliance was significant in the inpatient context only for service-connected veterans (-4.55 pp; 95% CI, -8.14 to -0.97), not income-eligible veterans (-8.38 pp; 95% CI, -17.91 to 1.16).

By applying the aggregate pp changes toward the postexpansion number of visits across both expansion and nonexpansion states, we found that expansion of Medicaid across all our study states would have resulted in 996 fewer hospitalizations and 10,109 fewer outpatient visits for depression at VA in the postexpansion period vs if no states had chosen to expand Medicaid.

Dual Use/Per Capita Utilization

Overall, Medicaid expansion was associated with greater dual use for inpatient depression care—a 0.97-pp (95% CI, 0.46 to 1.48) increase among service-connected veterans and a 0.64-pp (95% CI, 0.35 to 0.94) increase among income-eligible veterans.
At the state level, NY similarly showed increases in dual use among both service-connected (1.48 pp; 95% CI, 0.80 to 2.16) and income-eligible veterans (0.73 pp; 95% CI, 0.39 to 1.07) after Medicaid expansion. However, dual use in AZ increased significantly only among service-connected veterans (0.70 pp; 95% CI, 0.03 to 1.38), not income-eligible veterans (0.31 pp; 95% CI, -0.17 to 0.78).

Among outpatient visits, Medicaid expansion was associated with increased dual use only for income-eligible veterans (0.16 pp; 95% CI, 0.03-0.29), and not service-connected veterans (0.09 pp; 95% CI, -0.04 to 0.21). State-level analyses showed that Medicaid expansion in NY was not associated with changes in dual use for either service-connected (0.01 pp; 95% CI, -0.16 to 0.17) or income-eligible veterans (0.03 pp; 95% CI, -0.12 to 0.18), while expansion in AZ was associated with increases in dual use among both service-connected (0.42 pp; 95% CI, 0.23 to 0.61) and income-eligible veterans (0.83 pp; 95% CI, 0.59 to 1.07).

Concerning per capita utilization of depression care after Medicaid expansion, analyses showed no detectable changes for either inpatient or outpatient services, among both service-connected and income-eligible veterans. However, while this pattern held at the state level among hospitalizations, outpatient visit results showed divergent trends between AZ and NY. In NY, Medicaid expansion was associated with decreased per capita utilization of outpatient depression care among both service-connected (-0.25 visits annually; 95% CI, -0.48 to -0.01) and income-eligible veterans (-0.64 visits annually; 95% CI, -0.93 to -0.35). In AZ, Medicaid expansion was associated with increased per capita utilization of outpatient depression care among both service-connected (0.62 visits annually; 95% CI, 0.32-0.91) and income-eligible veterans (2.32 visits annually; 95% CI, 1.99-2.65).

Discussion

Our study quantified changes in depression-related health care utilization after Medicaid expansions in NY and AZ in 2001. Overall, the balance of evidence indicated that Medicaid expansion was associated with decreased reliance on the VA for depression-related services. There was an exception: income-eligible veterans in AZ did not shift their hospital care away from the VA in a statistically discernible way, although the point estimate was lower. More broadly, these findings concerning veterans’ reliance varied not only in inpatient vs outpatient services and income- vs service-connected eligibility, but also in the state-level contexts of veteran dual users and per capita utilization.

Given that the overall per capita utilization of depression care was unchanged from pre- to postexpansion periods, one might interpret the decreases in VA reliance and increases in Medicaid-VA dual users as a substitution effect from VA care to non-VA care. This could be plausible for hospitalizations where state-level analyses showed similarly stable levels of per capita utilization. However, state-level trends in our outpatient utilization analysis, especially with a substantial 2.32 pp increase in annual per capita visits among income-eligible veterans in AZ, leave open the possibility that in some cases veterans may be complementing VA care with Medicaid-reimbursed services.

The causes underlying these differences in reliance shifts between NY and AZ are likely also influenced by the policy contexts of their respective Medicaid expansions. For example, in 1999, NY passed Kendra’s Law, which established a procedure for obtaining court orders for assisted outpatient mental health treatment for individuals deemed unlikely to survive safely in the community.²⁶ A reasonable inference is that there was less unfulfilled outpatient mental health need in NY under the existing accessibility provisioned by Kendra’s Law. In addition, while both states extended coverage to childless adults under 100% of the Federal Poverty level (FPL), the AZ Medicaid expansion was via a voters’ initiative and extended family coverage to 200% FPL vs 150% FPL for families in NY. Given that the AZ Medicaid expansion enjoyed both broader public participation and generosity in terms of eligibility, its uptake and therefore effect size may have been larger than in NY for nonacute outpatient care.

Our findings contribute to the growing body of literature surrounding the changes in health care utilization after Medicaid expansion, specifically for a newly dual-eligible population of veterans seeking mental health services for depression. While prior research concerning Medicare dual-enrolled veterans has shown high reliance on the VA for both mental health diagnoses and services, scholars have established the association of Medicaid enrollment with decreased VA reliance.^27-29 Our analysis is the first to investigate state-level effects of Medicaid expansion on VA reliance for a single mental health condition using a natural experimental framework. We focus on a population that includes a large portion of veterans who are newly Medicaid-eligible due to a sweeping policy change and use demographically matched nonexpansion states to draw comparisons in VA reliance for depression care. Our findings of Medicaid expansion–associated decreases in VA reliance for depression care complement prior literature that describe Medicaid enrollment–associated decreases in VA reliance for overall mental health care.

Implications

From a systems-level perspective, the implications of shifting services away from the VA are complex and incompletely understood. The VA lacks interoperability with the electronic health records (EHRs) used by Medicaid clinicians. Consequently, significant issues of service duplication and incomplete clinical data exist for veterans seeking treatment outside of the VA system, posing health care quality and safety concerns.³⁰ On one hand, Medicaid access is associated with increased health care utilization attributed to filling unmet needs for Medicare dual enrollees, as well as increased prescription filling for psychiatric medications.^31,32 Furthermore, the only randomized control trial of Medicaid expansion to date was associated with a 9-pp decrease in positive screening rates for depression among those who received access at around 2 years postexpansion.³³ On the other hand, the VA has developed a mental health system tailored to the particular needs of veterans, and health care practitioners at the VA have significantly greater rates of military cultural competency compared to those in nonmilitary settings (70% vs 24% in the TRICARE network and 8% among those with no military or TRICARE affiliation).³⁴ Compared to individuals seeking mental health services with private insurance plans, veterans were about twice as likely to receive appropriate treatment for schizophrenia and depression at the VA.³⁵ These documented strengths of VA mental health care may together help explain the small absolute number of visits that were associated with shifts away from VA overall after Medicaid expansion.

Finally, it is worth considering extrinsic factors that influence utilization among newly dual-eligible veterans. For example, hospitalizations are less likely to be planned than outpatient services, translating to a greater importance of proximity to a nearby medical facility than a veteran’s preference of where to seek care. In the same vein, major VA medical centers are fewer and more distant on average than VA outpatient clinics, therefore reducing the advantage of a Medicaid-reimbursed outpatient clinic in terms of distance.³⁶ These realities may partially explain the proportionally larger shifts away from the VA for hospitalizations compared to outpatient care for depression.

These shifts in utilization after Medicaid expansion may have important implications for VA policymakers. First, more study is needed to know which types of veterans are more likely to use Medicaid instead of VA services—or use both Medicaid and VA services. Our research indicates unsurprisingly that veterans without service-connected disability ratings and eligible for VA services due to low income are more likely to use at least some Medicaid services. Further understanding of who switches will be useful for the VA both tailoring its services to those who prefer VA and for reaching out to specific types of patients who might be better served by staying within the VA system. Finally, VA clinicians and administrators can prioritize improving care coordination for those who chose to use both Medicaid and VA services.

Limitations and Future Directions

Our results should be interpreted within methodological and data limitations. With only 2 states in our sample, NY demonstrably skewed overall results, contributing 1.7 to 3 times more observations than AZ across subanalyses—a challenge also cited by Sommers and colleagues.¹⁹ Our veteran groupings were also unable to distinguish those veterans classified as service-connected who may also have qualified by income-eligible criteria (which would tend to understate the size of results) and those veterans who gained and then lost Medicaid coverage in a given year. Our study also faces limitations in generalizability and establishing causality. First, we included only 2 historical state Medicaid expansions, compared with the 38 states and Washington, DC, that have now expanded Medicaid to date under the ACA. Just in the 2 states from our study, we noted significant heterogeneity in the shifts associated with Medicaid expansion, which makes extrapolating specific trends difficult. Differences in underlying health care resources, legislation, and other external factors may limit the applicability of Medicaid expansion in the era of the ACA, as well as the Veterans Choice and MISSION acts. Second, while we leveraged a difference-in-difference analysis using demographically matched, neighboring comparison states, our findings are nevertheless drawn from observational data obviating causality. VA data for other sources of coverage such as private insurance are limited and not included in our study, and MAX datasets vary by quality across states, translating to potential gaps in our study cohort.²⁸Finally, as in any study using diagnoses, visits addressing care for depression may have been missed if other diagnoses were noted as primary (eg, VA clinicians carrying forward old diagnoses, like PTSD, on the problem list) or nondepression care visits may have been captured if a depression diagnosis was used by default.

Moving forward, our study demonstrates the potential for applying a natural experimental approach to studying dual-eligible veterans at the interface of Medicaid expansion. We focused on changes in VA reliance for the specific condition of depression and, in doing so, invite further inquiry into the impact of state mental health policy on outcomes more proximate to veterans’ outcomes. Clinical indicators, such as rates of antidepressant filling, utilization and duration of psychotherapy, and PHQ-9 scores, can similarly be investigated by natural experimental design. While current limits of administrative data and the siloing of EHRs may pose barriers to some of these avenues of research, multidisciplinary methodologies and data querying innovations such as natural language processing algorithms for clinical notes hold exciting opportunities to bridge the gap between policy and clinical efficacy.

Conclusions

This study applied a difference-in-difference analysis and found that Medicaid expansion is associated with decreases in VA reliance for both inpatient and outpatient services for depression. As additional data are generated from the Medicaid expansions of the ACA, similarly robust methods should be applied to further explore the impacts associated with such policy shifts and open the door to a better understanding of implications at the clinical level.

Acknowledgments

We acknowledge the efforts of Janine Wong, who proofread and formatted the manuscript.

The US Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) is the largest integrated health care system in the United States, providing care for more than 9 million veterans.¹ With veterans experiencing mental health conditions like posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), substance use disorders, and other serious mental illnesses (SMI) at higher rates compared with the general population, the VA plays an important role in the provision of mental health services.^2-5 Since the implementation of its Mental Health Strategic Plan in 2004, the VA has overseen the development of a wide array of mental health programs geared toward the complex needs of veterans. Research has demonstrated VA care outperforming Medicaid-reimbursed services in terms of the percentage of veterans filling antidepressants for at least 12 weeks after initiation of treatment for major depressive disorder (MDD), as well as posthospitalization follow-up.⁶

Eligible veterans enrolled in the VA often also seek non-VA care. Medicaid covers nearly 10% of all nonelderly veterans, and of these veterans, 39% rely solely on Medicaid for health care access.⁷ Today, Medicaid is the largest payer for mental health services in the US, providing coverage for approximately 27% of Americans who have SMI and helping fulfill unmet mental health needs.^8,9 Understanding which of these systems veterans choose to use, and under which circumstances, is essential in guiding the allocation of limited health care resources.¹⁰

Beyond Medicaid, alternatives to VA care may include TRICARE, Medicare, Indian Health Services, and employer-based or self-purchased private insurance. While these options potentially increase convenience, choice, and access to health care practitioners (HCPs) and services not available at local VA systems, cross-system utilization with poor integration may cause care coordination and continuity problems, such as medication mismanagement and opioid overdose, unnecessary duplicate utilization, and possible increased mortality.^11-15 As recent national legislative changes, such as the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA), Veterans Access, Choice and Accountability Act, and the VA MISSION Act, continue to shift the health care landscape for veterans, questions surrounding how veterans are changing their health care use become significant.^16,17

Here, we approach the impacts of Medicaid expansion on veterans’ reliance on the VA for mental health services with a unique lens. We leverage a difference-in-difference design to study 2 historical Medicaid expansions in Arizona (AZ) and New York (NY), which extended eligibility to childless adults in 2001. Prior Medicaid dual-eligible mental health research investigated reliance shifts during the immediate postenrollment year in a subset of veterans newly enrolled in Medicaid.¹⁸ However, this study took place in a period of relative policy stability. In contrast, we investigate the potential effects of a broad policy shift by analyzing state-level changes in veterans’ reliance over 6 years after a statewide Medicaid expansion. We match expansion states with demographically similar nonexpansion states to account for unobserved trends and confounding effects. Prior studies have used this method to evaluate post-Medicaid expansion mortality changes and changes in veteran dual enrollment and hospitalizations.^10,19 While a study of ACA Medicaid expansion states would be ideal, Medicaid data from most states were only available through 2014 at the time of this analysis. Our study offers a quasi-experimental framework leveraging longitudinal data that can be applied as more post-ACA data become available.

Given the rising incidence of suicide among veterans, understanding care-seeking behaviors for depression among veterans is important as it is the most common psychiatric condition found in those who died by suicide.^20,21 Furthermore, depression may be useful as a clinical proxy for mental health policy impacts, given that the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9) screening tool is well validated and increasingly research accessible, and it is a chronic condition responsive to both well-managed pharmacologic treatment and psychotherapeutic interventions.^22,23

In this study, we quantify the change in care-seeking behavior for depression among veterans after Medicaid expansion, using a quasi-experimental design. We hypothesize that new access to Medicaid would be associated with a shift away from using VA services for depression. Given the income-dependent eligibility requirements of Medicaid, we also hypothesize that veterans who qualified for VA coverage due to low income, determined by a regional means test (Priority group 5, “income-eligible”), would be more likely to shift care compared with those whose serviced-connected conditions related to their military service (Priority groups 1-4, “service-connected”) provide VA access.

Methods

To investigate the relative changes in veterans’ reliance on the VA for depression care after the 2001 NY and AZ Medicaid expansions We used a retrospective, difference-in-difference analysis. Our comparison pairings, based on prior demographic analyses were as follows: NY with Pennsylvania(PA); AZ with New Mexico and Nevada (NM/NV).¹⁹ The time frame of our analysis was 1999 to 2006, with pre- and postexpansion periods defined as 1999 to 2000 and 2001 to 2006, respectively.

Data

We included veterans aged 18 to 64 years, seeking care for depression from 1999 to 2006, who were also VA-enrolled and residing in our states of interest. We counted veterans as enrolled in Medicaid if they were enrolled at least 1 month in a given year.

Using similar methods like those used in prior studies, we selected patients with encounters documenting depression as the primary outpatient or inpatient diagnosis using International Classification of Diseases, Ninth Revision, Clinical Modification (ICD-9-CM) codes: 296.2x for a single episode of major depressive disorder, 296.3x for a recurrent episode of MDD, 300.4 for dysthymia, and 311.0 for depression not otherwise specified.^18,24 We used data from the Medicaid Analytic eXtract files (MAX) for Medicaid data and the VA Corporate Data Warehouse (CDW) for VA data. We chose 1999 as the first study year because it was the earliest year MAX data were available.

Our final sample included 1833 person-years pre-expansion and 7157 postexpansion in our inpatient analysis, as well as 31,767 person-years pre-expansion and 130,382 postexpansion in our outpatient analysis.

Outcomes and Variables

Our primary outcomes were comparative shifts in VA reliance between expansion and nonexpansion states after Medicaid expansion for both inpatient and outpatient depression care. For each year of study, we calculated a veteran’s VA reliance by aggregating the number of days with depression-related encounters at the VA and dividing by the total number of days with a VA or Medicaid depression-related encounters for the year. To provide context to these shifts in VA reliance, we further analyzed the changes in the proportion of annual VA-Medicaid dual users and annual per capita utilization of depression care across the VA and Medicaid. Changes in the proportion would indicate a relative shift in usage between the VA and Medicaid. Annual per capita changes demonstrate changes in the volume of usage. Understanding how proportion and volume interact is critical to understanding likely ramifications for resource management and cost. For example, a relative shift in the proportion of care toward Medicaid might be explained by a substitution effect of increased Medicaid usage and lower VA per capita usage, or an additive (or complementary) effect, with more Medicaid services coming on top of the current VA services.

We conducted subanalyses by income-eligible and service-connected veterans and adjusted our models for age, non-White race, sex, distances to the nearest inpatient and outpatient VA facilities, and VA Relative Risk Score, which is a measure of disease burden and clinical complexity validated specifically for veterans.²⁵

Statistical Analysis

We used fractional logistic regression to model the adjusted effect of Medicaid expansion on VA reliance for depression care. In parallel, we leveraged ordered logit regression and negative binomial regression models to examine the proportion of VA-Medicaid dual users and the per capita utilization of Medicaid and VA depression care, respectively. To estimate the difference-in-difference effects, we used the interaction term of 2 categorical variables—expansion vs nonexpansion states and pre- vs postexpansion status—as the independent variable. We then calculated the average marginal effects with 95% CIs to estimate the differences in outcomes between expansion and nonexpansion states from pre- to postexpansion periods, as well as year-by-year shifts as a robustness check. We conducted these analyses using Stata MP, version 15.

This project was approved by the Baylor College of Medicine Institutional Review Board (IRB # H-40441) and the Michael E. Debakey Veterans Affairs Medical Center Research and Development Committee.

Results

Baseline and postexpansion characteristics

VA Reliance

Overall, we observed postexpansion decreases in VA reliance for depression care

At the state level, reliance on the VA for inpatient depression care in NY decreased by 13.53 pp (95% CI, -22.58 to -4.49) for income-eligible veterans and 16.67 pp (95% CI, -24.53 to -8.80) for service-connected veterans. No relative differences were observed in the outpatient comparisons for both income-eligible (-0.58 pp; 95% CI, -2.13 to 0.98) and service-connected (0.05 pp; 95% CI, -1.00 to 1.10) veterans. In AZ, Medicaid expansion was associated with decreased VA reliance for outpatient depression care among income-eligible veterans (-8.60 pp; 95% CI, -10.60 to -6.61), greater than that for service-connected veterans (-2.89 pp; 95% CI, -4.02 to -1.77). This decrease in VA reliance was significant in the inpatient context only for service-connected veterans (-4.55 pp; 95% CI, -8.14 to -0.97), not income-eligible veterans (-8.38 pp; 95% CI, -17.91 to 1.16).

By applying the aggregate pp changes toward the postexpansion number of visits across both expansion and nonexpansion states, we found that expansion of Medicaid across all our study states would have resulted in 996 fewer hospitalizations and 10,109 fewer outpatient visits for depression at VA in the postexpansion period vs if no states had chosen to expand Medicaid.

Dual Use/Per Capita Utilization

Overall, Medicaid expansion was associated with greater dual use for inpatient depression care—a 0.97-pp (95% CI, 0.46 to 1.48) increase among service-connected veterans and a 0.64-pp (95% CI, 0.35 to 0.94) increase among income-eligible veterans.
At the state level, NY similarly showed increases in dual use among both service-connected (1.48 pp; 95% CI, 0.80 to 2.16) and income-eligible veterans (0.73 pp; 95% CI, 0.39 to 1.07) after Medicaid expansion. However, dual use in AZ increased significantly only among service-connected veterans (0.70 pp; 95% CI, 0.03 to 1.38), not income-eligible veterans (0.31 pp; 95% CI, -0.17 to 0.78).

Among outpatient visits, Medicaid expansion was associated with increased dual use only for income-eligible veterans (0.16 pp; 95% CI, 0.03-0.29), and not service-connected veterans (0.09 pp; 95% CI, -0.04 to 0.21). State-level analyses showed that Medicaid expansion in NY was not associated with changes in dual use for either service-connected (0.01 pp; 95% CI, -0.16 to 0.17) or income-eligible veterans (0.03 pp; 95% CI, -0.12 to 0.18), while expansion in AZ was associated with increases in dual use among both service-connected (0.42 pp; 95% CI, 0.23 to 0.61) and income-eligible veterans (0.83 pp; 95% CI, 0.59 to 1.07).

Concerning per capita utilization of depression care after Medicaid expansion, analyses showed no detectable changes for either inpatient or outpatient services, among both service-connected and income-eligible veterans. However, while this pattern held at the state level among hospitalizations, outpatient visit results showed divergent trends between AZ and NY. In NY, Medicaid expansion was associated with decreased per capita utilization of outpatient depression care among both service-connected (-0.25 visits annually; 95% CI, -0.48 to -0.01) and income-eligible veterans (-0.64 visits annually; 95% CI, -0.93 to -0.35). In AZ, Medicaid expansion was associated with increased per capita utilization of outpatient depression care among both service-connected (0.62 visits annually; 95% CI, 0.32-0.91) and income-eligible veterans (2.32 visits annually; 95% CI, 1.99-2.65).

Discussion

Our study quantified changes in depression-related health care utilization after Medicaid expansions in NY and AZ in 2001. Overall, the balance of evidence indicated that Medicaid expansion was associated with decreased reliance on the VA for depression-related services. There was an exception: income-eligible veterans in AZ did not shift their hospital care away from the VA in a statistically discernible way, although the point estimate was lower. More broadly, these findings concerning veterans’ reliance varied not only in inpatient vs outpatient services and income- vs service-connected eligibility, but also in the state-level contexts of veteran dual users and per capita utilization.

Given that the overall per capita utilization of depression care was unchanged from pre- to postexpansion periods, one might interpret the decreases in VA reliance and increases in Medicaid-VA dual users as a substitution effect from VA care to non-VA care. This could be plausible for hospitalizations where state-level analyses showed similarly stable levels of per capita utilization. However, state-level trends in our outpatient utilization analysis, especially with a substantial 2.32 pp increase in annual per capita visits among income-eligible veterans in AZ, leave open the possibility that in some cases veterans may be complementing VA care with Medicaid-reimbursed services.

The causes underlying these differences in reliance shifts between NY and AZ are likely also influenced by the policy contexts of their respective Medicaid expansions. For example, in 1999, NY passed Kendra’s Law, which established a procedure for obtaining court orders for assisted outpatient mental health treatment for individuals deemed unlikely to survive safely in the community.²⁶ A reasonable inference is that there was less unfulfilled outpatient mental health need in NY under the existing accessibility provisioned by Kendra’s Law. In addition, while both states extended coverage to childless adults under 100% of the Federal Poverty level (FPL), the AZ Medicaid expansion was via a voters’ initiative and extended family coverage to 200% FPL vs 150% FPL for families in NY. Given that the AZ Medicaid expansion enjoyed both broader public participation and generosity in terms of eligibility, its uptake and therefore effect size may have been larger than in NY for nonacute outpatient care.

Our findings contribute to the growing body of literature surrounding the changes in health care utilization after Medicaid expansion, specifically for a newly dual-eligible population of veterans seeking mental health services for depression. While prior research concerning Medicare dual-enrolled veterans has shown high reliance on the VA for both mental health diagnoses and services, scholars have established the association of Medicaid enrollment with decreased VA reliance.^27-29 Our analysis is the first to investigate state-level effects of Medicaid expansion on VA reliance for a single mental health condition using a natural experimental framework. We focus on a population that includes a large portion of veterans who are newly Medicaid-eligible due to a sweeping policy change and use demographically matched nonexpansion states to draw comparisons in VA reliance for depression care. Our findings of Medicaid expansion–associated decreases in VA reliance for depression care complement prior literature that describe Medicaid enrollment–associated decreases in VA reliance for overall mental health care.

Implications

From a systems-level perspective, the implications of shifting services away from the VA are complex and incompletely understood. The VA lacks interoperability with the electronic health records (EHRs) used by Medicaid clinicians. Consequently, significant issues of service duplication and incomplete clinical data exist for veterans seeking treatment outside of the VA system, posing health care quality and safety concerns.³⁰ On one hand, Medicaid access is associated with increased health care utilization attributed to filling unmet needs for Medicare dual enrollees, as well as increased prescription filling for psychiatric medications.^31,32 Furthermore, the only randomized control trial of Medicaid expansion to date was associated with a 9-pp decrease in positive screening rates for depression among those who received access at around 2 years postexpansion.³³ On the other hand, the VA has developed a mental health system tailored to the particular needs of veterans, and health care practitioners at the VA have significantly greater rates of military cultural competency compared to those in nonmilitary settings (70% vs 24% in the TRICARE network and 8% among those with no military or TRICARE affiliation).³⁴ Compared to individuals seeking mental health services with private insurance plans, veterans were about twice as likely to receive appropriate treatment for schizophrenia and depression at the VA.³⁵ These documented strengths of VA mental health care may together help explain the small absolute number of visits that were associated with shifts away from VA overall after Medicaid expansion.

Finally, it is worth considering extrinsic factors that influence utilization among newly dual-eligible veterans. For example, hospitalizations are less likely to be planned than outpatient services, translating to a greater importance of proximity to a nearby medical facility than a veteran’s preference of where to seek care. In the same vein, major VA medical centers are fewer and more distant on average than VA outpatient clinics, therefore reducing the advantage of a Medicaid-reimbursed outpatient clinic in terms of distance.³⁶ These realities may partially explain the proportionally larger shifts away from the VA for hospitalizations compared to outpatient care for depression.

These shifts in utilization after Medicaid expansion may have important implications for VA policymakers. First, more study is needed to know which types of veterans are more likely to use Medicaid instead of VA services—or use both Medicaid and VA services. Our research indicates unsurprisingly that veterans without service-connected disability ratings and eligible for VA services due to low income are more likely to use at least some Medicaid services. Further understanding of who switches will be useful for the VA both tailoring its services to those who prefer VA and for reaching out to specific types of patients who might be better served by staying within the VA system. Finally, VA clinicians and administrators can prioritize improving care coordination for those who chose to use both Medicaid and VA services.

Limitations and Future Directions

Our results should be interpreted within methodological and data limitations. With only 2 states in our sample, NY demonstrably skewed overall results, contributing 1.7 to 3 times more observations than AZ across subanalyses—a challenge also cited by Sommers and colleagues.¹⁹ Our veteran groupings were also unable to distinguish those veterans classified as service-connected who may also have qualified by income-eligible criteria (which would tend to understate the size of results) and those veterans who gained and then lost Medicaid coverage in a given year. Our study also faces limitations in generalizability and establishing causality. First, we included only 2 historical state Medicaid expansions, compared with the 38 states and Washington, DC, that have now expanded Medicaid to date under the ACA. Just in the 2 states from our study, we noted significant heterogeneity in the shifts associated with Medicaid expansion, which makes extrapolating specific trends difficult. Differences in underlying health care resources, legislation, and other external factors may limit the applicability of Medicaid expansion in the era of the ACA, as well as the Veterans Choice and MISSION acts. Second, while we leveraged a difference-in-difference analysis using demographically matched, neighboring comparison states, our findings are nevertheless drawn from observational data obviating causality. VA data for other sources of coverage such as private insurance are limited and not included in our study, and MAX datasets vary by quality across states, translating to potential gaps in our study cohort.²⁸Finally, as in any study using diagnoses, visits addressing care for depression may have been missed if other diagnoses were noted as primary (eg, VA clinicians carrying forward old diagnoses, like PTSD, on the problem list) or nondepression care visits may have been captured if a depression diagnosis was used by default.

Moving forward, our study demonstrates the potential for applying a natural experimental approach to studying dual-eligible veterans at the interface of Medicaid expansion. We focused on changes in VA reliance for the specific condition of depression and, in doing so, invite further inquiry into the impact of state mental health policy on outcomes more proximate to veterans’ outcomes. Clinical indicators, such as rates of antidepressant filling, utilization and duration of psychotherapy, and PHQ-9 scores, can similarly be investigated by natural experimental design. While current limits of administrative data and the siloing of EHRs may pose barriers to some of these avenues of research, multidisciplinary methodologies and data querying innovations such as natural language processing algorithms for clinical notes hold exciting opportunities to bridge the gap between policy and clinical efficacy.

Conclusions

This study applied a difference-in-difference analysis and found that Medicaid expansion is associated with decreases in VA reliance for both inpatient and outpatient services for depression. As additional data are generated from the Medicaid expansions of the ACA, similarly robust methods should be applied to further explore the impacts associated with such policy shifts and open the door to a better understanding of implications at the clinical level.

Acknowledgments

We acknowledge the efforts of Janine Wong, who proofread and formatted the manuscript.

Staying mentally healthy is essential for everyone, and it’s vital for physicians. As medical professionals, you’re continually exposed to overwork, burnout, stressful situations, and challenging ethical decisions. Yet seeking help for mental health care may be last on your to-do list – or completely off your radar.

That’s sad and dangerous, since the American College of Emergency Physicians said 300-400 physicians die by suicide each year, and the stigma keeps 69% of female physicians from seeking mental health care, according to a prepandemic study.

In the 2022 Medscape Physician Suicide Report, 11% of female doctors and 9% of male doctors said they have had thoughts of suicide, and 64% experienced colloquial depression (feeling down, sad, or blue).

What’s more, physicians are typically seen as strong and capable and are often put on a pedestal by loved ones, patients, and the public and thought of as superhuman. No wonder it isn’t easy when you need to take time away to decompress and treat your mental well-being.

“There is a real fear for physicians when it comes to getting mental health care,” said Emil Tsai, MD, PhD, MAS, professor at the department of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at the University of California, Los Angeles, and an internationally reputed scientist in neurosciences and brain disorders.

The fear, said Dr. Tsai, comes from the stigma of mental health issues, potential repercussions to employment, and conceivable medical board suspension or revocation of your medical license.

Dr. Tsai said in an interview that to combat anxiety about “punishment” that many physicians fear when seeking care for their mental health, we must allow physicians to take time away from their day-to-day patient care for respite and treatment without reprisal.

Since the medical profession is high stress and has a high depression and suicide rate, finding solutions is imperative. And physicians must feel supported enough to seek treatment when needed. So how can we normalize seeking mental health care among physicians?
 

Get honest about stress and burnout

The only way to normalize any behavior is to be open and candid, Dr. Tsai said in an interview. The mental health conversation must occur across the board, not just within the medical profession.

“The greatest thing we can do to try and lift the burden that we place on physicians is to be willing to talk and be honest about the stress that physicians deal with and the importance of everyone feeling free to seek treatment and rest to strengthen their mental health,” said Dr. Tsai.

The more we talk about mental health and its treatment, the more we lessen the stigma, said Dr. Tsai. That could be more employer-employee check-ins, counseling as part of physician wellness, and programs structured so as not to construe a penal system.

“Mental health in the medical profession is a big issue and one that has to be met with the same compassion and care as it should be for any patient. We have annual physical checkups. Why don’t we offer annual mental health checkups for all, physicians included?” asked Dr. Tsai.
 

Evaluate the workload

Elizabeth Lombardo, PhD, psychologist, coach, and global keynote speaker, thinks that health care employers should reexamine their physicians’ workloads to see if they’re contributing to mental health issues.

The conversation on mental health in the workplace shouldn’t be about whether a certain person can handle stressors that are “normal” for health care settings. Instead, workplace managers in health care institutions should redefine workloads to ensure that physicians aren’t too heavily burdened with responsibilities that can cause overwork, burnout, and mental health problems,” she said.
 

Lessen the stigma

Even when physicians want to seek help for their psychological struggles, they may be weary of how their colleagues would react if they knew.

Raffaello Antonino, MD, clinical director at Therapy Central in London, said several underlying fears may exist at a physician’s core that prevent them from seeking care – being seen as weak, being judged as unfit to practice medicine, and the notion that “something is wrong with them.”

Dr. Antonino said we need to understand that physicians face challenges of bereavement and trauma derived from losing patients and the inability to save someone’s life. “These issues can easily develop into an accumulation of difficult, unprocessed emotions, later arising in symptoms and signs of PTSD, anxiety, and depression.”

Education is the best way to end this stigma, just like with any form of prejudice and stereotypes. For instance, we know that health care professionals are at risk of developing burnout. So, educating physicians on the symptoms and management of burnout and its consequences and prevention strategies is a must.

“Imagine what could happen if there were regular opportunities to work through the day’s events before signing out from a shift. The idea that individual weekly therapy is the only way to relieve mental distress is false,” said Lori McIsaac Bewsher, MSW, RSW, a trauma therapist and owner of a trauma-focused mental health clinic in New Brunswick.

“There are ways of integrating individual care into our doctor’s offices and hospitals that can be brief, effective, and confidential. The best way to introduce these interventions is early and collectively; no one is immune to the potential impact of exposure to trauma. The earlier these interventions can be accessed, the better the outcomes for everyone,” she said.

Dr. Antonino suggests, perhaps in the future, organizations can have “burnout checks” or mental health wellness checks for physicians akin to how we also have quick examinations for various physical ailments. What if physicians regularly answered a 10-question mental health survey as part of a burnout or trauma prevention strategy?

“Theirs is a profession and an identity which is often linked with a sense of strength, leadership and [benevolent] power: adjectives, which on the surface one might see as incompatible with what instead, unfortunately, and wrongly, may be associated with mental health issues,” said Dr. Antonino.
 

Keep it private

When it comes to removing the stigma from mental health care and treatment for physicians, privacy is top of mind. There needs to be some form of privacy protection for physicians who seek professional help for mental health reasons. Dr. Lombardo said physicians need to have the choice to keep their mental health journeys private. “Ideally, normalization should mean openly conversing about mental health, but for physicians, it can be a matter of life or death for their career, so the choice to remain private is something that should be afforded to them.”

Along those lines, the American Medical Association is pushing for system changes in legislative and regulatory arenas to support the mental health of practicing physicians, residents, and medical students. The organization is also urging health systems and state medical licensing bodies to remove questions on their applications that ask about prior treatment for mental health conditions.

Among many programs across the country, the Foundation of the Pennsylvania Medical Society has also created a Physicians’ Health Program, which provides confidential assessment, counseling, and referral services for physicians with mental health concerns.

“All of these initiatives are important in helping to destigmatize mental health issues among physicians,” said Harold Hong, MD, a board-certified psychiatrist in Raleigh, N.C.
 

Hail the benefits of treatment

Dr. Hong said to continue to destigmatize mental health among physicians and normalize its treatment, we not only have to emphasize how attending to mental health has individual benefits but also how it helps us help our patients.

“One key aspect that perhaps underpins this issue is the still present separation between mental and physical health, between mind and body, Dr. Hong said in an interview. “Feeling sad or angry or anxious should become a fact of life, a characteristic of being human, just like catching a cold or breaking a leg.”

It’s a normalization that, perhaps more than anything else, can lead the way for improving physicians’ mental health outcomes while also improving them for the rest of society. When society can finally see the health and well-being of someone in both their psychological and physical status, some of the stigmas may dissipate, and perhaps more physicians’ lives can be saved.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Staying mentally healthy is essential for everyone, and it’s vital for physicians. As medical professionals, you’re continually exposed to overwork, burnout, stressful situations, and challenging ethical decisions. Yet seeking help for mental health care may be last on your to-do list – or completely off your radar.

That’s sad and dangerous, since the American College of Emergency Physicians said 300-400 physicians die by suicide each year, and the stigma keeps 69% of female physicians from seeking mental health care, according to a prepandemic study.

In the 2022 Medscape Physician Suicide Report, 11% of female doctors and 9% of male doctors said they have had thoughts of suicide, and 64% experienced colloquial depression (feeling down, sad, or blue).

What’s more, physicians are typically seen as strong and capable and are often put on a pedestal by loved ones, patients, and the public and thought of as superhuman. No wonder it isn’t easy when you need to take time away to decompress and treat your mental well-being.

“There is a real fear for physicians when it comes to getting mental health care,” said Emil Tsai, MD, PhD, MAS, professor at the department of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at the University of California, Los Angeles, and an internationally reputed scientist in neurosciences and brain disorders.

The fear, said Dr. Tsai, comes from the stigma of mental health issues, potential repercussions to employment, and conceivable medical board suspension or revocation of your medical license.

Dr. Tsai said in an interview that to combat anxiety about “punishment” that many physicians fear when seeking care for their mental health, we must allow physicians to take time away from their day-to-day patient care for respite and treatment without reprisal.

Since the medical profession is high stress and has a high depression and suicide rate, finding solutions is imperative. And physicians must feel supported enough to seek treatment when needed. So how can we normalize seeking mental health care among physicians?
 

Get honest about stress and burnout

The only way to normalize any behavior is to be open and candid, Dr. Tsai said in an interview. The mental health conversation must occur across the board, not just within the medical profession.

“The greatest thing we can do to try and lift the burden that we place on physicians is to be willing to talk and be honest about the stress that physicians deal with and the importance of everyone feeling free to seek treatment and rest to strengthen their mental health,” said Dr. Tsai.

The more we talk about mental health and its treatment, the more we lessen the stigma, said Dr. Tsai. That could be more employer-employee check-ins, counseling as part of physician wellness, and programs structured so as not to construe a penal system.

“Mental health in the medical profession is a big issue and one that has to be met with the same compassion and care as it should be for any patient. We have annual physical checkups. Why don’t we offer annual mental health checkups for all, physicians included?” asked Dr. Tsai.
 

Evaluate the workload

Elizabeth Lombardo, PhD, psychologist, coach, and global keynote speaker, thinks that health care employers should reexamine their physicians’ workloads to see if they’re contributing to mental health issues.

The conversation on mental health in the workplace shouldn’t be about whether a certain person can handle stressors that are “normal” for health care settings. Instead, workplace managers in health care institutions should redefine workloads to ensure that physicians aren’t too heavily burdened with responsibilities that can cause overwork, burnout, and mental health problems,” she said.
 

Lessen the stigma

Even when physicians want to seek help for their psychological struggles, they may be weary of how their colleagues would react if they knew.

Raffaello Antonino, MD, clinical director at Therapy Central in London, said several underlying fears may exist at a physician’s core that prevent them from seeking care – being seen as weak, being judged as unfit to practice medicine, and the notion that “something is wrong with them.”

Dr. Antonino said we need to understand that physicians face challenges of bereavement and trauma derived from losing patients and the inability to save someone’s life. “These issues can easily develop into an accumulation of difficult, unprocessed emotions, later arising in symptoms and signs of PTSD, anxiety, and depression.”

Education is the best way to end this stigma, just like with any form of prejudice and stereotypes. For instance, we know that health care professionals are at risk of developing burnout. So, educating physicians on the symptoms and management of burnout and its consequences and prevention strategies is a must.

“Imagine what could happen if there were regular opportunities to work through the day’s events before signing out from a shift. The idea that individual weekly therapy is the only way to relieve mental distress is false,” said Lori McIsaac Bewsher, MSW, RSW, a trauma therapist and owner of a trauma-focused mental health clinic in New Brunswick.

“There are ways of integrating individual care into our doctor’s offices and hospitals that can be brief, effective, and confidential. The best way to introduce these interventions is early and collectively; no one is immune to the potential impact of exposure to trauma. The earlier these interventions can be accessed, the better the outcomes for everyone,” she said.

Dr. Antonino suggests, perhaps in the future, organizations can have “burnout checks” or mental health wellness checks for physicians akin to how we also have quick examinations for various physical ailments. What if physicians regularly answered a 10-question mental health survey as part of a burnout or trauma prevention strategy?

“Theirs is a profession and an identity which is often linked with a sense of strength, leadership and [benevolent] power: adjectives, which on the surface one might see as incompatible with what instead, unfortunately, and wrongly, may be associated with mental health issues,” said Dr. Antonino.
 

Keep it private

When it comes to removing the stigma from mental health care and treatment for physicians, privacy is top of mind. There needs to be some form of privacy protection for physicians who seek professional help for mental health reasons. Dr. Lombardo said physicians need to have the choice to keep their mental health journeys private. “Ideally, normalization should mean openly conversing about mental health, but for physicians, it can be a matter of life or death for their career, so the choice to remain private is something that should be afforded to them.”

Along those lines, the American Medical Association is pushing for system changes in legislative and regulatory arenas to support the mental health of practicing physicians, residents, and medical students. The organization is also urging health systems and state medical licensing bodies to remove questions on their applications that ask about prior treatment for mental health conditions.

Among many programs across the country, the Foundation of the Pennsylvania Medical Society has also created a Physicians’ Health Program, which provides confidential assessment, counseling, and referral services for physicians with mental health concerns.

“All of these initiatives are important in helping to destigmatize mental health issues among physicians,” said Harold Hong, MD, a board-certified psychiatrist in Raleigh, N.C.
 

Hail the benefits of treatment

Dr. Hong said to continue to destigmatize mental health among physicians and normalize its treatment, we not only have to emphasize how attending to mental health has individual benefits but also how it helps us help our patients.

“One key aspect that perhaps underpins this issue is the still present separation between mental and physical health, between mind and body, Dr. Hong said in an interview. “Feeling sad or angry or anxious should become a fact of life, a characteristic of being human, just like catching a cold or breaking a leg.”

It’s a normalization that, perhaps more than anything else, can lead the way for improving physicians’ mental health outcomes while also improving them for the rest of society. When society can finally see the health and well-being of someone in both their psychological and physical status, some of the stigmas may dissipate, and perhaps more physicians’ lives can be saved.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Staying mentally healthy is essential for everyone, and it’s vital for physicians. As medical professionals, you’re continually exposed to overwork, burnout, stressful situations, and challenging ethical decisions. Yet seeking help for mental health care may be last on your to-do list – or completely off your radar.

That’s sad and dangerous, since the American College of Emergency Physicians said 300-400 physicians die by suicide each year, and the stigma keeps 69% of female physicians from seeking mental health care, according to a prepandemic study.

In the 2022 Medscape Physician Suicide Report, 11% of female doctors and 9% of male doctors said they have had thoughts of suicide, and 64% experienced colloquial depression (feeling down, sad, or blue).

What’s more, physicians are typically seen as strong and capable and are often put on a pedestal by loved ones, patients, and the public and thought of as superhuman. No wonder it isn’t easy when you need to take time away to decompress and treat your mental well-being.

“There is a real fear for physicians when it comes to getting mental health care,” said Emil Tsai, MD, PhD, MAS, professor at the department of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at the University of California, Los Angeles, and an internationally reputed scientist in neurosciences and brain disorders.

The fear, said Dr. Tsai, comes from the stigma of mental health issues, potential repercussions to employment, and conceivable medical board suspension or revocation of your medical license.

Dr. Tsai said in an interview that to combat anxiety about “punishment” that many physicians fear when seeking care for their mental health, we must allow physicians to take time away from their day-to-day patient care for respite and treatment without reprisal.

Since the medical profession is high stress and has a high depression and suicide rate, finding solutions is imperative. And physicians must feel supported enough to seek treatment when needed. So how can we normalize seeking mental health care among physicians?
 

Get honest about stress and burnout

The only way to normalize any behavior is to be open and candid, Dr. Tsai said in an interview. The mental health conversation must occur across the board, not just within the medical profession.

“The greatest thing we can do to try and lift the burden that we place on physicians is to be willing to talk and be honest about the stress that physicians deal with and the importance of everyone feeling free to seek treatment and rest to strengthen their mental health,” said Dr. Tsai.

The more we talk about mental health and its treatment, the more we lessen the stigma, said Dr. Tsai. That could be more employer-employee check-ins, counseling as part of physician wellness, and programs structured so as not to construe a penal system.

“Mental health in the medical profession is a big issue and one that has to be met with the same compassion and care as it should be for any patient. We have annual physical checkups. Why don’t we offer annual mental health checkups for all, physicians included?” asked Dr. Tsai.
 

Evaluate the workload

Elizabeth Lombardo, PhD, psychologist, coach, and global keynote speaker, thinks that health care employers should reexamine their physicians’ workloads to see if they’re contributing to mental health issues.

The conversation on mental health in the workplace shouldn’t be about whether a certain person can handle stressors that are “normal” for health care settings. Instead, workplace managers in health care institutions should redefine workloads to ensure that physicians aren’t too heavily burdened with responsibilities that can cause overwork, burnout, and mental health problems,” she said.
 

Lessen the stigma

Even when physicians want to seek help for their psychological struggles, they may be weary of how their colleagues would react if they knew.

Raffaello Antonino, MD, clinical director at Therapy Central in London, said several underlying fears may exist at a physician’s core that prevent them from seeking care – being seen as weak, being judged as unfit to practice medicine, and the notion that “something is wrong with them.”

Dr. Antonino said we need to understand that physicians face challenges of bereavement and trauma derived from losing patients and the inability to save someone’s life. “These issues can easily develop into an accumulation of difficult, unprocessed emotions, later arising in symptoms and signs of PTSD, anxiety, and depression.”

Education is the best way to end this stigma, just like with any form of prejudice and stereotypes. For instance, we know that health care professionals are at risk of developing burnout. So, educating physicians on the symptoms and management of burnout and its consequences and prevention strategies is a must.

“Imagine what could happen if there were regular opportunities to work through the day’s events before signing out from a shift. The idea that individual weekly therapy is the only way to relieve mental distress is false,” said Lori McIsaac Bewsher, MSW, RSW, a trauma therapist and owner of a trauma-focused mental health clinic in New Brunswick.

“There are ways of integrating individual care into our doctor’s offices and hospitals that can be brief, effective, and confidential. The best way to introduce these interventions is early and collectively; no one is immune to the potential impact of exposure to trauma. The earlier these interventions can be accessed, the better the outcomes for everyone,” she said.

Dr. Antonino suggests, perhaps in the future, organizations can have “burnout checks” or mental health wellness checks for physicians akin to how we also have quick examinations for various physical ailments. What if physicians regularly answered a 10-question mental health survey as part of a burnout or trauma prevention strategy?

“Theirs is a profession and an identity which is often linked with a sense of strength, leadership and [benevolent] power: adjectives, which on the surface one might see as incompatible with what instead, unfortunately, and wrongly, may be associated with mental health issues,” said Dr. Antonino.
 

Keep it private

When it comes to removing the stigma from mental health care and treatment for physicians, privacy is top of mind. There needs to be some form of privacy protection for physicians who seek professional help for mental health reasons. Dr. Lombardo said physicians need to have the choice to keep their mental health journeys private. “Ideally, normalization should mean openly conversing about mental health, but for physicians, it can be a matter of life or death for their career, so the choice to remain private is something that should be afforded to them.”

Along those lines, the American Medical Association is pushing for system changes in legislative and regulatory arenas to support the mental health of practicing physicians, residents, and medical students. The organization is also urging health systems and state medical licensing bodies to remove questions on their applications that ask about prior treatment for mental health conditions.

Among many programs across the country, the Foundation of the Pennsylvania Medical Society has also created a Physicians’ Health Program, which provides confidential assessment, counseling, and referral services for physicians with mental health concerns.

“All of these initiatives are important in helping to destigmatize mental health issues among physicians,” said Harold Hong, MD, a board-certified psychiatrist in Raleigh, N.C.
 

Hail the benefits of treatment

Dr. Hong said to continue to destigmatize mental health among physicians and normalize its treatment, we not only have to emphasize how attending to mental health has individual benefits but also how it helps us help our patients.

“One key aspect that perhaps underpins this issue is the still present separation between mental and physical health, between mind and body, Dr. Hong said in an interview. “Feeling sad or angry or anxious should become a fact of life, a characteristic of being human, just like catching a cold or breaking a leg.”

It’s a normalization that, perhaps more than anything else, can lead the way for improving physicians’ mental health outcomes while also improving them for the rest of society. When society can finally see the health and well-being of someone in both their psychological and physical status, some of the stigmas may dissipate, and perhaps more physicians’ lives can be saved.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

Case: You are talking with one of your teenage patients, who has a history of significant suicidal ideation and an aborted attempt, and you ask her if there is someone she can talk with if she is feeling suicidal. “I call a friend,” she says. “That’s the only thing that works when I’m feeling bad.”

During difficult times, it is important to have a repertoire of coping skills to address stress, tension, frustration, anxiety, anger, sadness, and to help avoid dangerous behaviors. It is also important to have someone to talk to. For many youth, talking with friends is their preferred coping skill and contact when struggling with intense feelings.

This is hardly surprising. Peer relations are central to adolescent development. The ongoing individuation-separation process means that adolescents are peeling away from the family and into a community of their peers, where they figure out who they are through social interactions in subtle and complex ways. Adolescents are often profoundly immersed in the world of their peers; they often spend more time with their peers in educational and social settings than with their parents or other adults; and their connections with peers are often pleasurable, engaging, supportive, and intense. It is natural that they would want to communicate with their peers during stressful times.

At the same time, they may also want to avoid talking with adults. They may identify adult figures with authority, expectations, and control. So much adolescent psychic suffering and so many mental health crises involve shame, guilt, and fear, and are associated with romance, love, disappointment, and trauma – all of which may be difficult to share with parents and adult figures.

Adults also struggle with these kinds of conversations. Even benign attempts at comforting the youth (“Don’t worry, it’ll get better,” “Everyone feels this way sometimes”) can be seen as invalidating. And in stressful times, a difficult conversation can be ignited by the fuel of adult anxieties about the independence and autonomy of the child that is coming, which can make charged conversations all the more inflammatory.

Reaching out to peers during stressful times is therefore developmentally appropriate and often feels far more comfortable, validating, and sympathetic.

One of the most important things we can do is to help kids understand when, how, and why they can support each other – and when they cannot. Whether we like it or not, for many youth, peers are peer mental health counselors. They have shared vocabularies and can share experiences in the mental health care system. In addition to relying on their peers, a great many youth we work with also see themselves as supports to their peers, so it’s not just a one-way street.

So we talk with them frankly about when, how, and why talking with their friends can be an effective way of getting through a hard time and when, how, and why they need to reach out to an adult.

Recognizing how positive peer support can be, we ask them to identify problems with it. Kids often recognize the drawbacks of relying on their peers for support. They can see how it can be a burden to their friends. They often acknowledge that their friends may be experts in some aspects of their lives but not in others. For example, they can have shared stressors in school, can have similar understandings of the drama in their lives, and can relate to each other’s worlds, but will also not necessarily know what to do if a situation becomes dangerous.

The youth also tend to understand that the stakes in these conversations are high. We have seen peer groups suffer terribly when the youth have felt responsible – and even been the last preceding contact – in bad or even fatal outcomes.

We need to open up conversations about different forms of communication: when teens need understanding, compassion, patience; when they need a good understanding of local, cultural contexts, and a sense of support without anxieties and stressors; and when they need support and adult capacities and connections to solve problems. We can help them understand how to access people – both peers and adults – but also discuss responsibility: who you are responsible for, how you cannot be responsible alone for your friends’ mental health, how they cannot be responsible for yours, and who can be responsible for you.

To this end, we validate the importance of peers and ask more specifically when the adolescent thinks it is helpful to contact peers and when they think it would not be helpful. Having teens explain the difference may help them identify the right times to connect with peers or adults.

We can then talk about how to understand that there are different kinds of crisis: the kind where comfort, understanding, and support from friends can alleviate the crisis, and times when it is imperative to involve adults.

We can then identify which adults in their lives they can contact and how they would do so, both in terms of method of communication (texting an older sister, speaking in person with a parent, calling a therapist) and what they could say.

Then comes a more difficult step. We help them think about how to identify adults whom they do not know: how to contact a hotline or go to an emergency room or call 911. It is important not just to provide the numbers or address, but to help them run through a brief script so they know what to say and would be comfortable saying in their own words (but effectively saying, “I really need to speak with someone right now, I’m not safe.”)

Helping youth understand the advantages and disadvantages of reaching out to peers, and when and how to reach out to adults, can be a constructive conversation. It is a chance not only to speak with and hear about a youth’s life and relationships but also a chance to give them a stronger and safer support network.

Dr. Henderson is a psychiatrist who treats children and adolescents at NYU Langone Health, New York.

Case: You are talking with one of your teenage patients, who has a history of significant suicidal ideation and an aborted attempt, and you ask her if there is someone she can talk with if she is feeling suicidal. “I call a friend,” she says. “That’s the only thing that works when I’m feeling bad.”

During difficult times, it is important to have a repertoire of coping skills to address stress, tension, frustration, anxiety, anger, sadness, and to help avoid dangerous behaviors. It is also important to have someone to talk to. For many youth, talking with friends is their preferred coping skill and contact when struggling with intense feelings.

This is hardly surprising. Peer relations are central to adolescent development. The ongoing individuation-separation process means that adolescents are peeling away from the family and into a community of their peers, where they figure out who they are through social interactions in subtle and complex ways. Adolescents are often profoundly immersed in the world of their peers; they often spend more time with their peers in educational and social settings than with their parents or other adults; and their connections with peers are often pleasurable, engaging, supportive, and intense. It is natural that they would want to communicate with their peers during stressful times.

At the same time, they may also want to avoid talking with adults. They may identify adult figures with authority, expectations, and control. So much adolescent psychic suffering and so many mental health crises involve shame, guilt, and fear, and are associated with romance, love, disappointment, and trauma – all of which may be difficult to share with parents and adult figures.

Adults also struggle with these kinds of conversations. Even benign attempts at comforting the youth (“Don’t worry, it’ll get better,” “Everyone feels this way sometimes”) can be seen as invalidating. And in stressful times, a difficult conversation can be ignited by the fuel of adult anxieties about the independence and autonomy of the child that is coming, which can make charged conversations all the more inflammatory.

Reaching out to peers during stressful times is therefore developmentally appropriate and often feels far more comfortable, validating, and sympathetic.

One of the most important things we can do is to help kids understand when, how, and why they can support each other – and when they cannot. Whether we like it or not, for many youth, peers are peer mental health counselors. They have shared vocabularies and can share experiences in the mental health care system. In addition to relying on their peers, a great many youth we work with also see themselves as supports to their peers, so it’s not just a one-way street.

So we talk with them frankly about when, how, and why talking with their friends can be an effective way of getting through a hard time and when, how, and why they need to reach out to an adult.

Recognizing how positive peer support can be, we ask them to identify problems with it. Kids often recognize the drawbacks of relying on their peers for support. They can see how it can be a burden to their friends. They often acknowledge that their friends may be experts in some aspects of their lives but not in others. For example, they can have shared stressors in school, can have similar understandings of the drama in their lives, and can relate to each other’s worlds, but will also not necessarily know what to do if a situation becomes dangerous.

The youth also tend to understand that the stakes in these conversations are high. We have seen peer groups suffer terribly when the youth have felt responsible – and even been the last preceding contact – in bad or even fatal outcomes.

We need to open up conversations about different forms of communication: when teens need understanding, compassion, patience; when they need a good understanding of local, cultural contexts, and a sense of support without anxieties and stressors; and when they need support and adult capacities and connections to solve problems. We can help them understand how to access people – both peers and adults – but also discuss responsibility: who you are responsible for, how you cannot be responsible alone for your friends’ mental health, how they cannot be responsible for yours, and who can be responsible for you.

To this end, we validate the importance of peers and ask more specifically when the adolescent thinks it is helpful to contact peers and when they think it would not be helpful. Having teens explain the difference may help them identify the right times to connect with peers or adults.

We can then talk about how to understand that there are different kinds of crisis: the kind where comfort, understanding, and support from friends can alleviate the crisis, and times when it is imperative to involve adults.

We can then identify which adults in their lives they can contact and how they would do so, both in terms of method of communication (texting an older sister, speaking in person with a parent, calling a therapist) and what they could say.

Then comes a more difficult step. We help them think about how to identify adults whom they do not know: how to contact a hotline or go to an emergency room or call 911. It is important not just to provide the numbers or address, but to help them run through a brief script so they know what to say and would be comfortable saying in their own words (but effectively saying, “I really need to speak with someone right now, I’m not safe.”)

Helping youth understand the advantages and disadvantages of reaching out to peers, and when and how to reach out to adults, can be a constructive conversation. It is a chance not only to speak with and hear about a youth’s life and relationships but also a chance to give them a stronger and safer support network.

Dr. Henderson is a psychiatrist who treats children and adolescents at NYU Langone Health, New York.

Case: You are talking with one of your teenage patients, who has a history of significant suicidal ideation and an aborted attempt, and you ask her if there is someone she can talk with if she is feeling suicidal. “I call a friend,” she says. “That’s the only thing that works when I’m feeling bad.”

During difficult times, it is important to have a repertoire of coping skills to address stress, tension, frustration, anxiety, anger, sadness, and to help avoid dangerous behaviors. It is also important to have someone to talk to. For many youth, talking with friends is their preferred coping skill and contact when struggling with intense feelings.

This is hardly surprising. Peer relations are central to adolescent development. The ongoing individuation-separation process means that adolescents are peeling away from the family and into a community of their peers, where they figure out who they are through social interactions in subtle and complex ways. Adolescents are often profoundly immersed in the world of their peers; they often spend more time with their peers in educational and social settings than with their parents or other adults; and their connections with peers are often pleasurable, engaging, supportive, and intense. It is natural that they would want to communicate with their peers during stressful times.

At the same time, they may also want to avoid talking with adults. They may identify adult figures with authority, expectations, and control. So much adolescent psychic suffering and so many mental health crises involve shame, guilt, and fear, and are associated with romance, love, disappointment, and trauma – all of which may be difficult to share with parents and adult figures.

Adults also struggle with these kinds of conversations. Even benign attempts at comforting the youth (“Don’t worry, it’ll get better,” “Everyone feels this way sometimes”) can be seen as invalidating. And in stressful times, a difficult conversation can be ignited by the fuel of adult anxieties about the independence and autonomy of the child that is coming, which can make charged conversations all the more inflammatory.

Reaching out to peers during stressful times is therefore developmentally appropriate and often feels far more comfortable, validating, and sympathetic.

One of the most important things we can do is to help kids understand when, how, and why they can support each other – and when they cannot. Whether we like it or not, for many youth, peers are peer mental health counselors. They have shared vocabularies and can share experiences in the mental health care system. In addition to relying on their peers, a great many youth we work with also see themselves as supports to their peers, so it’s not just a one-way street.

So we talk with them frankly about when, how, and why talking with their friends can be an effective way of getting through a hard time and when, how, and why they need to reach out to an adult.

Recognizing how positive peer support can be, we ask them to identify problems with it. Kids often recognize the drawbacks of relying on their peers for support. They can see how it can be a burden to their friends. They often acknowledge that their friends may be experts in some aspects of their lives but not in others. For example, they can have shared stressors in school, can have similar understandings of the drama in their lives, and can relate to each other’s worlds, but will also not necessarily know what to do if a situation becomes dangerous.

The youth also tend to understand that the stakes in these conversations are high. We have seen peer groups suffer terribly when the youth have felt responsible – and even been the last preceding contact – in bad or even fatal outcomes.

We need to open up conversations about different forms of communication: when teens need understanding, compassion, patience; when they need a good understanding of local, cultural contexts, and a sense of support without anxieties and stressors; and when they need support and adult capacities and connections to solve problems. We can help them understand how to access people – both peers and adults – but also discuss responsibility: who you are responsible for, how you cannot be responsible alone for your friends’ mental health, how they cannot be responsible for yours, and who can be responsible for you.

To this end, we validate the importance of peers and ask more specifically when the adolescent thinks it is helpful to contact peers and when they think it would not be helpful. Having teens explain the difference may help them identify the right times to connect with peers or adults.

We can then talk about how to understand that there are different kinds of crisis: the kind where comfort, understanding, and support from friends can alleviate the crisis, and times when it is imperative to involve adults.

We can then identify which adults in their lives they can contact and how they would do so, both in terms of method of communication (texting an older sister, speaking in person with a parent, calling a therapist) and what they could say.

Then comes a more difficult step. We help them think about how to identify adults whom they do not know: how to contact a hotline or go to an emergency room or call 911. It is important not just to provide the numbers or address, but to help them run through a brief script so they know what to say and would be comfortable saying in their own words (but effectively saying, “I really need to speak with someone right now, I’m not safe.”)

Helping youth understand the advantages and disadvantages of reaching out to peers, and when and how to reach out to adults, can be a constructive conversation. It is a chance not only to speak with and hear about a youth’s life and relationships but also a chance to give them a stronger and safer support network.

Dr. Henderson is a psychiatrist who treats children and adolescents at NYU Langone Health, New York.

A single 25-mg dose of synthetic psilocybin in combination with psychotherapy appears to effectively ease symptoms of treatment-resistant depression (TRD) – at least in the short term, new research shows.

In the largest study of psilocybin for TRD to date, results of the phase 2b randomized, double-blind trial show participants in the 25-mg dose group experienced a significant reduction in depressive symptoms for at least 3 weeks vs. patients in the 10-mg or 1-mg group, which served as the control group.

Investigators found that 29% of participants who received the 25-mg dose were in remission 3 weeks after the treatment and 37% had at least a 50% drop in depression scores. However, at the 3-month mark, only 20% of those on the 25-mg dose experienced significant improvement.

The change from baseline to week 3 in the Montgomery–Åsberg Depression Rating Scale (MADRS) total score was significantly better with a 25-mg dose than with a 1-mg dose; there was no significant difference between the 10-mg dose and the 1-mg dose, the investigators reported.

The response rate was high for those receiving the 25-mg dose, lead  investigator Guy Goodwin, MD, DPhil, told reporters attending a press briefing.

“It’s important to understand that response rates in these patients are usually somewhere between 10% and 20%, and we are seeing remission rates at three weeks of 30%,” he said.

Dr. Goodwin is chief medical officer of COMPASS Pathways, the company that funded the trial and created COMP360, the synthetic formulation of psilocybin used in the trial, and professor emeritus of psychiatry at the University of Oxford, England.

Based on the results of the trial it was announced that a phase 3 trial will launch in December.

The study was published online in the New England Journal of Medicine.
 

Further research planned

Psilocybin has been under investigation for TRD for some time, including one study that compared it with the antidepressant escitalopram (Lexapro) with promising results.

In the current study the researchers sought to find an acceptable, efficacious dose and the safety of a synthetic formulation of the drug administered in combination with psychological support.

The multicenter study was conducted at 22 sites in 10 countries and included 233 participants with TRD and evaluated the safety and efficacy of one of three doses. The study’s primary endpoint was change from baseline to 3 weeks in MADRS scores in patients with TRD. The scale runs from 0 to 60 with higher scores indicating more severe depression.

Participants were randomly assigned to receive 25 mg of psilocybin (n = 79), 10 mg (n = 75) or 1 mg (n = 79). Those taking medications discontinued them at least 2 weeks before the baseline visit. The mean MADRS score was 32 or 33 in each study group.

There was a 3- to 6-week run-up period to the study in which each participant met with a study therapist about three times to build trust and prepare for the psychedelic experience.

On the day of psilocybin administration, each participant listened to a tailored music playlist and wore eye shades while reclining in a comfortable chair to direct attention inwardly.

The psychotherapy sessions lasted 6-8 hours, and two therapists were always present. The following day, participants returned for an “integration” session with the therapists that was designed to help the participants explore insights from their session.

MADRS scores were measured at baseline, the day following psilocybin administration, and at weeks 1, 3, 6, 9, and 12.

Participants were asked to stay off standard antidepressant treatment during the first 3 weeks of the trial but could be restarted at any time if deemed necessary by a trial investigator.

Mean changes from baseline to week 3 in MADRS scores were −12.0 for 25-mg, −7.9 for 10-mg, and −5.4 for 1-mg groups. The difference between the 25-mg group and 1-mg group was −6.6 (95% confidence interval [CI], −10.2 to −2.9; P < .001 and between the 10-mg group and 1-mg group was −2.5 (95% CI, −6.2 to 1.2; P = .18).

The investigators reported that in the 25-mg group, the incidences of response and remission at 3 weeks, but not sustained response at 12 weeks, were generally supportive of the primary results.

Up to 84% of those who received the 25-mg dosage reported adverse events, with the occurrence dropping slightly with each dosage group. The most frequent adverse events included headache, nausea, dizziness, and fatigue, and occurred only on administration day.

Among those who received the 25-mg dose of psilocybin, two participants reported suicidal thoughts during the 3 weeks following treatment, and 3 months post treatment, three patients exhibited suicidal behavior.

Dr. Goodwin noted that these participants had a prior history of suicidal behavior. Two participants in the 10-mg group also had suicidal thoughts. However, the investigators also noted that suicidal ideation, behavior, or self-injury occurred in all dose groups.

The researchers noted that longer and larger trials, including comparisons with existing depression treatments, are needed to determine the safety and efficacy of psilocybin for TRD.
 

Intriguing, sobering

In an accompanying editorial, Bertha Madras, PhD, McLean Hospital, Belmont, Mass., and Harvard Medical School, Boston, noted “the findings are both intriguing and sobering. The highest dose (25 mg), but not the intermediate dose (10 mg), resulted in significantly lower levels of depressive symptoms after 3 weeks than the lowest dose (1 mg, which served as a control), but the 37% incidence of response with the 25-mg dose was numerically lower than that in large trials of conventional antidepressants and less robust than in a trial showing similar efficacies of psilocybin and a selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor.”

Also sobering, she noted, were the high percentages of adverse events in the 25-mg group and suicidal ideation and behavior. Dr. Madras also wondered if “legalization and commercialization [of psychedelics] are allied with the medical movement, psychedelic shops and ‘clinics’ could proliferate even for vulnerable populations, and rigorously designed medical protocols will be compromised.

“Nevertheless,” she concluded, “it is provocative that these agents show some short-term benefit for depression in selected populations.”

Dr. Goodwin is CMO of Compass Pathways, which funded the study. He and several coauthors disclosed relationships with industry. Dr. Madras reports no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

A single 25-mg dose of synthetic psilocybin in combination with psychotherapy appears to effectively ease symptoms of treatment-resistant depression (TRD) – at least in the short term, new research shows.

In the largest study of psilocybin for TRD to date, results of the phase 2b randomized, double-blind trial show participants in the 25-mg dose group experienced a significant reduction in depressive symptoms for at least 3 weeks vs. patients in the 10-mg or 1-mg group, which served as the control group.

Investigators found that 29% of participants who received the 25-mg dose were in remission 3 weeks after the treatment and 37% had at least a 50% drop in depression scores. However, at the 3-month mark, only 20% of those on the 25-mg dose experienced significant improvement.

The change from baseline to week 3 in the Montgomery–Åsberg Depression Rating Scale (MADRS) total score was significantly better with a 25-mg dose than with a 1-mg dose; there was no significant difference between the 10-mg dose and the 1-mg dose, the investigators reported.

The response rate was high for those receiving the 25-mg dose, lead  investigator Guy Goodwin, MD, DPhil, told reporters attending a press briefing.

“It’s important to understand that response rates in these patients are usually somewhere between 10% and 20%, and we are seeing remission rates at three weeks of 30%,” he said.

Dr. Goodwin is chief medical officer of COMPASS Pathways, the company that funded the trial and created COMP360, the synthetic formulation of psilocybin used in the trial, and professor emeritus of psychiatry at the University of Oxford, England.

Based on the results of the trial it was announced that a phase 3 trial will launch in December.

The study was published online in the New England Journal of Medicine.
 

Further research planned

Psilocybin has been under investigation for TRD for some time, including one study that compared it with the antidepressant escitalopram (Lexapro) with promising results.

In the current study the researchers sought to find an acceptable, efficacious dose and the safety of a synthetic formulation of the drug administered in combination with psychological support.

The multicenter study was conducted at 22 sites in 10 countries and included 233 participants with TRD and evaluated the safety and efficacy of one of three doses. The study’s primary endpoint was change from baseline to 3 weeks in MADRS scores in patients with TRD. The scale runs from 0 to 60 with higher scores indicating more severe depression.

Participants were randomly assigned to receive 25 mg of psilocybin (n = 79), 10 mg (n = 75) or 1 mg (n = 79). Those taking medications discontinued them at least 2 weeks before the baseline visit. The mean MADRS score was 32 or 33 in each study group.

There was a 3- to 6-week run-up period to the study in which each participant met with a study therapist about three times to build trust and prepare for the psychedelic experience.

On the day of psilocybin administration, each participant listened to a tailored music playlist and wore eye shades while reclining in a comfortable chair to direct attention inwardly.

The psychotherapy sessions lasted 6-8 hours, and two therapists were always present. The following day, participants returned for an “integration” session with the therapists that was designed to help the participants explore insights from their session.

MADRS scores were measured at baseline, the day following psilocybin administration, and at weeks 1, 3, 6, 9, and 12.

Participants were asked to stay off standard antidepressant treatment during the first 3 weeks of the trial but could be restarted at any time if deemed necessary by a trial investigator.

Mean changes from baseline to week 3 in MADRS scores were −12.0 for 25-mg, −7.9 for 10-mg, and −5.4 for 1-mg groups. The difference between the 25-mg group and 1-mg group was −6.6 (95% confidence interval [CI], −10.2 to −2.9; P < .001 and between the 10-mg group and 1-mg group was −2.5 (95% CI, −6.2 to 1.2; P = .18).

The investigators reported that in the 25-mg group, the incidences of response and remission at 3 weeks, but not sustained response at 12 weeks, were generally supportive of the primary results.

Up to 84% of those who received the 25-mg dosage reported adverse events, with the occurrence dropping slightly with each dosage group. The most frequent adverse events included headache, nausea, dizziness, and fatigue, and occurred only on administration day.

Among those who received the 25-mg dose of psilocybin, two participants reported suicidal thoughts during the 3 weeks following treatment, and 3 months post treatment, three patients exhibited suicidal behavior.

Dr. Goodwin noted that these participants had a prior history of suicidal behavior. Two participants in the 10-mg group also had suicidal thoughts. However, the investigators also noted that suicidal ideation, behavior, or self-injury occurred in all dose groups.

The researchers noted that longer and larger trials, including comparisons with existing depression treatments, are needed to determine the safety and efficacy of psilocybin for TRD.
 

Intriguing, sobering

In an accompanying editorial, Bertha Madras, PhD, McLean Hospital, Belmont, Mass., and Harvard Medical School, Boston, noted “the findings are both intriguing and sobering. The highest dose (25 mg), but not the intermediate dose (10 mg), resulted in significantly lower levels of depressive symptoms after 3 weeks than the lowest dose (1 mg, which served as a control), but the 37% incidence of response with the 25-mg dose was numerically lower than that in large trials of conventional antidepressants and less robust than in a trial showing similar efficacies of psilocybin and a selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor.”

Also sobering, she noted, were the high percentages of adverse events in the 25-mg group and suicidal ideation and behavior. Dr. Madras also wondered if “legalization and commercialization [of psychedelics] are allied with the medical movement, psychedelic shops and ‘clinics’ could proliferate even for vulnerable populations, and rigorously designed medical protocols will be compromised.

“Nevertheless,” she concluded, “it is provocative that these agents show some short-term benefit for depression in selected populations.”

Dr. Goodwin is CMO of Compass Pathways, which funded the study. He and several coauthors disclosed relationships with industry. Dr. Madras reports no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

A single 25-mg dose of synthetic psilocybin in combination with psychotherapy appears to effectively ease symptoms of treatment-resistant depression (TRD) – at least in the short term, new research shows.

In the largest study of psilocybin for TRD to date, results of the phase 2b randomized, double-blind trial show participants in the 25-mg dose group experienced a significant reduction in depressive symptoms for at least 3 weeks vs. patients in the 10-mg or 1-mg group, which served as the control group.

Investigators found that 29% of participants who received the 25-mg dose were in remission 3 weeks after the treatment and 37% had at least a 50% drop in depression scores. However, at the 3-month mark, only 20% of those on the 25-mg dose experienced significant improvement.

The change from baseline to week 3 in the Montgomery–Åsberg Depression Rating Scale (MADRS) total score was significantly better with a 25-mg dose than with a 1-mg dose; there was no significant difference between the 10-mg dose and the 1-mg dose, the investigators reported.

The response rate was high for those receiving the 25-mg dose, lead  investigator Guy Goodwin, MD, DPhil, told reporters attending a press briefing.

“It’s important to understand that response rates in these patients are usually somewhere between 10% and 20%, and we are seeing remission rates at three weeks of 30%,” he said.

Dr. Goodwin is chief medical officer of COMPASS Pathways, the company that funded the trial and created COMP360, the synthetic formulation of psilocybin used in the trial, and professor emeritus of psychiatry at the University of Oxford, England.

Based on the results of the trial it was announced that a phase 3 trial will launch in December.

The study was published online in the New England Journal of Medicine.
 

Further research planned

Psilocybin has been under investigation for TRD for some time, including one study that compared it with the antidepressant escitalopram (Lexapro) with promising results.

In the current study the researchers sought to find an acceptable, efficacious dose and the safety of a synthetic formulation of the drug administered in combination with psychological support.

The multicenter study was conducted at 22 sites in 10 countries and included 233 participants with TRD and evaluated the safety and efficacy of one of three doses. The study’s primary endpoint was change from baseline to 3 weeks in MADRS scores in patients with TRD. The scale runs from 0 to 60 with higher scores indicating more severe depression.

Participants were randomly assigned to receive 25 mg of psilocybin (n = 79), 10 mg (n = 75) or 1 mg (n = 79). Those taking medications discontinued them at least 2 weeks before the baseline visit. The mean MADRS score was 32 or 33 in each study group.

There was a 3- to 6-week run-up period to the study in which each participant met with a study therapist about three times to build trust and prepare for the psychedelic experience.

On the day of psilocybin administration, each participant listened to a tailored music playlist and wore eye shades while reclining in a comfortable chair to direct attention inwardly.

The psychotherapy sessions lasted 6-8 hours, and two therapists were always present. The following day, participants returned for an “integration” session with the therapists that was designed to help the participants explore insights from their session.

MADRS scores were measured at baseline, the day following psilocybin administration, and at weeks 1, 3, 6, 9, and 12.

Participants were asked to stay off standard antidepressant treatment during the first 3 weeks of the trial but could be restarted at any time if deemed necessary by a trial investigator.

Mean changes from baseline to week 3 in MADRS scores were −12.0 for 25-mg, −7.9 for 10-mg, and −5.4 for 1-mg groups. The difference between the 25-mg group and 1-mg group was −6.6 (95% confidence interval [CI], −10.2 to −2.9; P < .001 and between the 10-mg group and 1-mg group was −2.5 (95% CI, −6.2 to 1.2; P = .18).

The investigators reported that in the 25-mg group, the incidences of response and remission at 3 weeks, but not sustained response at 12 weeks, were generally supportive of the primary results.

Up to 84% of those who received the 25-mg dosage reported adverse events, with the occurrence dropping slightly with each dosage group. The most frequent adverse events included headache, nausea, dizziness, and fatigue, and occurred only on administration day.

Among those who received the 25-mg dose of psilocybin, two participants reported suicidal thoughts during the 3 weeks following treatment, and 3 months post treatment, three patients exhibited suicidal behavior.

Dr. Goodwin noted that these participants had a prior history of suicidal behavior. Two participants in the 10-mg group also had suicidal thoughts. However, the investigators also noted that suicidal ideation, behavior, or self-injury occurred in all dose groups.

The researchers noted that longer and larger trials, including comparisons with existing depression treatments, are needed to determine the safety and efficacy of psilocybin for TRD.
 

Intriguing, sobering

In an accompanying editorial, Bertha Madras, PhD, McLean Hospital, Belmont, Mass., and Harvard Medical School, Boston, noted “the findings are both intriguing and sobering. The highest dose (25 mg), but not the intermediate dose (10 mg), resulted in significantly lower levels of depressive symptoms after 3 weeks than the lowest dose (1 mg, which served as a control), but the 37% incidence of response with the 25-mg dose was numerically lower than that in large trials of conventional antidepressants and less robust than in a trial showing similar efficacies of psilocybin and a selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor.”

Also sobering, she noted, were the high percentages of adverse events in the 25-mg group and suicidal ideation and behavior. Dr. Madras also wondered if “legalization and commercialization [of psychedelics] are allied with the medical movement, psychedelic shops and ‘clinics’ could proliferate even for vulnerable populations, and rigorously designed medical protocols will be compromised.

“Nevertheless,” she concluded, “it is provocative that these agents show some short-term benefit for depression in selected populations.”

Dr. Goodwin is CMO of Compass Pathways, which funded the study. He and several coauthors disclosed relationships with industry. Dr. Madras reports no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

VIENNA – Inpatient treatment for major depressive disorder (MDD) can lead to brain connectivity increases that are associated with degree of symptom improvement, new research suggests.

In a “repeat” MRI study, adult participants with MDD had significantly lower brain connectivity compared with their healthy peers at baseline – but showed significant improvement at the 6-week follow-up. These improvements were associated with decreases in symptom severity, independent of whether they received electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) or other treatment modalities.

“This means that the brain structure of patients with serious clinical depression is not as fixed as we thought, and we can improve brain structure within a short time frame [of] around 6 weeks,” lead author Jonathan Repple, MD, now professor of predictive psychiatry at the University of Frankfurt, Germany, said in a release.

“This gives hope to patients who believe nothing can change and they have to live with a disease forever because it is ‘set in stone’ in their brain,” he added.

The findings were presented at the 35th European College of Neuropsychopharmacology (ECNP) Congress.
 

‘Easily understandable picture’

Dr. Repple said in an interview that the investigators “were surprised to see how plastic” the brain could be.

“I’ve done a lot of imaging studies in the past where we looked at differences in depression vs. healthy controls, and then maybe had tiny effects. But we’ve never seen such a clear and easily understandable picture, where we see a deficit at the beginning and then a significant increase in whatever biomarker we were looking at, that even correlated with how successful the treatment was,” he said.

Dr. Repple noted that “this is the thing everyone is looking for when we’re talking about a biomarker: That we see this exact pattern” – and it is why they are so excited about the results.

However, he cautioned that the study included a “small sample” and the results need to be independently replicated.

“If this can be replicated, this might be a very good target for future intervention studies,” Dr. Repple said.

The investigators noted that altered brain structural connectivity has been implicated before in the pathophysiology of MDD.

However, it is not clear whether these changes are stable over time and indicate a biological predisposition, or are markers of current disease severity and can be altered by effective treatment.

To investigate further, the researchers used gray matter T1-weighted MRI to define nodes in the brain and diffusion-weighted imaging (DWI)-based tractography to determine connections between the nodes, to create a structural connectome or white matter network.

They performed assessments at baseline and at 6 weeks’ follow-up in 123 participants diagnosed with current MDD and receiving inpatient treatment, and 55 participants who acted as the healthy controls group.

Among the patients with MDD, 56 were treated with ECT and 67 received other antidepressant care, including psychological therapy or medications. Some patients had received all three treatment modalities.
 

Significant interactions

Results showed a significant interaction by group and time between the baseline and 6-week follow-up assessments (P < .05).

This was partly driven by the MDD group having a significantly lower connectivity strength at baseline than the healthy controls group (P < .05).

It was also partly driven by patients showing a significant improvement in connectivity strength between the baseline and follow-up assessments (P < .05), a pattern that was not seen in the nonpatients.

This increase in connectivity strength was associated with a significant decrease in depression symptom severity (P < .05). This was independent of the treatment modality, indicating that it was not linked to the use of ECT.

Dr. Repple acknowledged the relatively short follow-up period of the study, and added that he is not aware of longitudinal studies of the structural connectome with a longer follow-up.

He pointed out that the structural connectivity of the brain decreases with age, but there have been no studies that have assessed patients with depression and “measured the same person again after 2, 4, 6, or 8 years.”

Dr. Repple reported that the investigators will be following up with their participants, “so hopefully in a few years we’ll have more information on that.

“One thing I also need to stress is that, when we’re looking at the MRI brain scans, we see an increase in connectivity strength, but we really can’t say what the molecular mechanisms behind it are,” he said. “This is a black box for us.”
 

Several unanswered questions

Commenting in the release, Eric Ruhe, MD, PhD, Radboud University Medical Center, Nijmegen, the Netherlands, said this was a “very interesting and difficult study to perform.”

However, Dr. Ruhe, who was not involved in the research, told this news organization that it is “very difficult to connect the lack of brain connectivity to the patient symptomatology because there is a huge gap between them.”

The problem is that, despite “lots of evidence” that they are effective, “we currently don’t know how antidepressant therapies work” in terms of their underlying mechanisms of action, he said.

“We think that these types of therapies all modulate the plasticity of the brain,” said Dr. Ruhe. “What this study showed is there are changes that you can detect even in 6 weeks,” although they may have been observed even sooner with a shorter follow-up.

He noted that big questions are whether the change is specific to the treatment given, and “can you modulate different brain network dysfunctions with different treatments?”

Moreover, he wondered if a brain scan could indicate which type of treatment should be used. “This is, of course, very new and very challenging, and we don’t know yet, but we should be pursuing this,” Dr. Ruhe said.

Another question is whether or not the brain connectivity changes shown in the study represent a persistent change – “and whether this is a persistent change that is associated with a consistent and persistent relief of depression.

“Again, this is something that needs to be followed up,” said Dr. Ruhe.

No funding was declared. The study authors and Dr. Ruhe report no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

VIENNA – Inpatient treatment for major depressive disorder (MDD) can lead to brain connectivity increases that are associated with degree of symptom improvement, new research suggests.

In a “repeat” MRI study, adult participants with MDD had significantly lower brain connectivity compared with their healthy peers at baseline – but showed significant improvement at the 6-week follow-up. These improvements were associated with decreases in symptom severity, independent of whether they received electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) or other treatment modalities.

“This means that the brain structure of patients with serious clinical depression is not as fixed as we thought, and we can improve brain structure within a short time frame [of] around 6 weeks,” lead author Jonathan Repple, MD, now professor of predictive psychiatry at the University of Frankfurt, Germany, said in a release.

“This gives hope to patients who believe nothing can change and they have to live with a disease forever because it is ‘set in stone’ in their brain,” he added.

The findings were presented at the 35th European College of Neuropsychopharmacology (ECNP) Congress.
 

‘Easily understandable picture’

Dr. Repple said in an interview that the investigators “were surprised to see how plastic” the brain could be.

“I’ve done a lot of imaging studies in the past where we looked at differences in depression vs. healthy controls, and then maybe had tiny effects. But we’ve never seen such a clear and easily understandable picture, where we see a deficit at the beginning and then a significant increase in whatever biomarker we were looking at, that even correlated with how successful the treatment was,” he said.

Dr. Repple noted that “this is the thing everyone is looking for when we’re talking about a biomarker: That we see this exact pattern” – and it is why they are so excited about the results.

However, he cautioned that the study included a “small sample” and the results need to be independently replicated.

“If this can be replicated, this might be a very good target for future intervention studies,” Dr. Repple said.

The investigators noted that altered brain structural connectivity has been implicated before in the pathophysiology of MDD.

However, it is not clear whether these changes are stable over time and indicate a biological predisposition, or are markers of current disease severity and can be altered by effective treatment.

To investigate further, the researchers used gray matter T1-weighted MRI to define nodes in the brain and diffusion-weighted imaging (DWI)-based tractography to determine connections between the nodes, to create a structural connectome or white matter network.

They performed assessments at baseline and at 6 weeks’ follow-up in 123 participants diagnosed with current MDD and receiving inpatient treatment, and 55 participants who acted as the healthy controls group.

Among the patients with MDD, 56 were treated with ECT and 67 received other antidepressant care, including psychological therapy or medications. Some patients had received all three treatment modalities.
 

Significant interactions

Results showed a significant interaction by group and time between the baseline and 6-week follow-up assessments (P < .05).

This was partly driven by the MDD group having a significantly lower connectivity strength at baseline than the healthy controls group (P < .05).

It was also partly driven by patients showing a significant improvement in connectivity strength between the baseline and follow-up assessments (P < .05), a pattern that was not seen in the nonpatients.

This increase in connectivity strength was associated with a significant decrease in depression symptom severity (P < .05). This was independent of the treatment modality, indicating that it was not linked to the use of ECT.

Dr. Repple acknowledged the relatively short follow-up period of the study, and added that he is not aware of longitudinal studies of the structural connectome with a longer follow-up.

He pointed out that the structural connectivity of the brain decreases with age, but there have been no studies that have assessed patients with depression and “measured the same person again after 2, 4, 6, or 8 years.”

Dr. Repple reported that the investigators will be following up with their participants, “so hopefully in a few years we’ll have more information on that.

“One thing I also need to stress is that, when we’re looking at the MRI brain scans, we see an increase in connectivity strength, but we really can’t say what the molecular mechanisms behind it are,” he said. “This is a black box for us.”
 

Several unanswered questions

Commenting in the release, Eric Ruhe, MD, PhD, Radboud University Medical Center, Nijmegen, the Netherlands, said this was a “very interesting and difficult study to perform.”

However, Dr. Ruhe, who was not involved in the research, told this news organization that it is “very difficult to connect the lack of brain connectivity to the patient symptomatology because there is a huge gap between them.”

The problem is that, despite “lots of evidence” that they are effective, “we currently don’t know how antidepressant therapies work” in terms of their underlying mechanisms of action, he said.

“We think that these types of therapies all modulate the plasticity of the brain,” said Dr. Ruhe. “What this study showed is there are changes that you can detect even in 6 weeks,” although they may have been observed even sooner with a shorter follow-up.

He noted that big questions are whether the change is specific to the treatment given, and “can you modulate different brain network dysfunctions with different treatments?”

Moreover, he wondered if a brain scan could indicate which type of treatment should be used. “This is, of course, very new and very challenging, and we don’t know yet, but we should be pursuing this,” Dr. Ruhe said.

Another question is whether or not the brain connectivity changes shown in the study represent a persistent change – “and whether this is a persistent change that is associated with a consistent and persistent relief of depression.

“Again, this is something that needs to be followed up,” said Dr. Ruhe.

No funding was declared. The study authors and Dr. Ruhe report no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.

VIENNA – Inpatient treatment for major depressive disorder (MDD) can lead to brain connectivity increases that are associated with degree of symptom improvement, new research suggests.

In a “repeat” MRI study, adult participants with MDD had significantly lower brain connectivity compared with their healthy peers at baseline – but showed significant improvement at the 6-week follow-up. These improvements were associated with decreases in symptom severity, independent of whether they received electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) or other treatment modalities.

“This means that the brain structure of patients with serious clinical depression is not as fixed as we thought, and we can improve brain structure within a short time frame [of] around 6 weeks,” lead author Jonathan Repple, MD, now professor of predictive psychiatry at the University of Frankfurt, Germany, said in a release.

“This gives hope to patients who believe nothing can change and they have to live with a disease forever because it is ‘set in stone’ in their brain,” he added.

The findings were presented at the 35th European College of Neuropsychopharmacology (ECNP) Congress.
 

‘Easily understandable picture’

Dr. Repple said in an interview that the investigators “were surprised to see how plastic” the brain could be.

“I’ve done a lot of imaging studies in the past where we looked at differences in depression vs. healthy controls, and then maybe had tiny effects. But we’ve never seen such a clear and easily understandable picture, where we see a deficit at the beginning and then a significant increase in whatever biomarker we were looking at, that even correlated with how successful the treatment was,” he said.

Dr. Repple noted that “this is the thing everyone is looking for when we’re talking about a biomarker: That we see this exact pattern” – and it is why they are so excited about the results.

However, he cautioned that the study included a “small sample” and the results need to be independently replicated.

“If this can be replicated, this might be a very good target for future intervention studies,” Dr. Repple said.

The investigators noted that altered brain structural connectivity has been implicated before in the pathophysiology of MDD.

However, it is not clear whether these changes are stable over time and indicate a biological predisposition, or are markers of current disease severity and can be altered by effective treatment.

To investigate further, the researchers used gray matter T1-weighted MRI to define nodes in the brain and diffusion-weighted imaging (DWI)-based tractography to determine connections between the nodes, to create a structural connectome or white matter network.

They performed assessments at baseline and at 6 weeks’ follow-up in 123 participants diagnosed with current MDD and receiving inpatient treatment, and 55 participants who acted as the healthy controls group.

Among the patients with MDD, 56 were treated with ECT and 67 received other antidepressant care, including psychological therapy or medications. Some patients had received all three treatment modalities.
 

Significant interactions

Results showed a significant interaction by group and time between the baseline and 6-week follow-up assessments (P < .05).

This was partly driven by the MDD group having a significantly lower connectivity strength at baseline than the healthy controls group (P < .05).

It was also partly driven by patients showing a significant improvement in connectivity strength between the baseline and follow-up assessments (P < .05), a pattern that was not seen in the nonpatients.

This increase in connectivity strength was associated with a significant decrease in depression symptom severity (P < .05). This was independent of the treatment modality, indicating that it was not linked to the use of ECT.

Dr. Repple acknowledged the relatively short follow-up period of the study, and added that he is not aware of longitudinal studies of the structural connectome with a longer follow-up.

He pointed out that the structural connectivity of the brain decreases with age, but there have been no studies that have assessed patients with depression and “measured the same person again after 2, 4, 6, or 8 years.”

Dr. Repple reported that the investigators will be following up with their participants, “so hopefully in a few years we’ll have more information on that.

“One thing I also need to stress is that, when we’re looking at the MRI brain scans, we see an increase in connectivity strength, but we really can’t say what the molecular mechanisms behind it are,” he said. “This is a black box for us.”
 

Several unanswered questions

Commenting in the release, Eric Ruhe, MD, PhD, Radboud University Medical Center, Nijmegen, the Netherlands, said this was a “very interesting and difficult study to perform.”

However, Dr. Ruhe, who was not involved in the research, told this news organization that it is “very difficult to connect the lack of brain connectivity to the patient symptomatology because there is a huge gap between them.”

The problem is that, despite “lots of evidence” that they are effective, “we currently don’t know how antidepressant therapies work” in terms of their underlying mechanisms of action, he said.

“We think that these types of therapies all modulate the plasticity of the brain,” said Dr. Ruhe. “What this study showed is there are changes that you can detect even in 6 weeks,” although they may have been observed even sooner with a shorter follow-up.

He noted that big questions are whether the change is specific to the treatment given, and “can you modulate different brain network dysfunctions with different treatments?”

Moreover, he wondered if a brain scan could indicate which type of treatment should be used. “This is, of course, very new and very challenging, and we don’t know yet, but we should be pursuing this,” Dr. Ruhe said.

Another question is whether or not the brain connectivity changes shown in the study represent a persistent change – “and whether this is a persistent change that is associated with a consistent and persistent relief of depression.

“Again, this is something that needs to be followed up,” said Dr. Ruhe.

No funding was declared. The study authors and Dr. Ruhe report no relevant financial relationships.

A version of this article first appeared on Medscape.com.